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Jews in Poland 

Official Reports of 
The American and British Investigating Missions 


The Morgenthau Report 


The Jadwin and Johnson Report 


Letter of Sir H. Rumhold 


The Samuel Report 


The White Report 


Miscellaneous Letters 


The Situation 


The Minority Rights Treaty 

Published in order to bring about a better understanding of the 
necessity for honest and constructive effort in solving a problem 
that is only made more difficult by attacks and recriminations. 

The National Polish Committee of America 

1214 North Ashland Ave., Chicago. 111. 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 



The American and British Investigating Missons 



Preface _--.. -... 

Letters of Transmittal — American Report ... ,3 

The Morgenthau Report --.-.... 4 

The Jadwin and Johnson Report - - - - 1 1 

An Excerpt from the Jadwin-Johnson Report - - - - 1 8 

Letter of Transmittal — British Report (Sir H. Rumbold) - - - 19 

The Samuel Report - - - - - '- - - -22 

The Captain Wright Report - - - - - - - 33 

Typical Hymns of Hate --._-_. -49 

The Truth? ... 55 

The Situation - - - - - - - - - -56 

The' Polish Treaty - - - - - - - - -61 



1214 North Ashland Avenue, Chicago, 111. 



THIS booklet, containing the complete reports of the American and Brit- 
ish Missions to Poland, is published in order to bring about a better 
understanding of the necessity for honest and constructive effort in 
solving a problem that is only made more difficult by attacks and recrimina- 
tions. These reports should be studied carefully by the reader. Unfortxm- 
ately certain portions of the Morgenthau Report and a great deal of the 
Samuel Report have been used by certain groups of propagandists in a 
manner that must have been distressing at least to Mr. Morgenthau. There- 
fore, it was felt to be a duty to have all the reports published in full, that 
they might be studied and compared in fairness to the question itself. 

Poles and Jews must live together in Poland. No race or religion can 
claim a monopoly of virtue. If certain elements of the Polish population 
have at times apparently persecuted the Jews, perhaps there was some real 
reason for their antagonism. A study of these Reports may give some of 
the reasons for such periodic outbreaks. Moreover, a study of these Reports 
cannot fail to result in complete vindication of the Polish Government. So 
far as the Polish people have been concerned, in Poland proper, "eighteen 
Jews lost their lives," according to the British Minister to Poland. It is diffi- 
cult to indict a people on the record made by groups of outlaw soldiery on 
an active front. 

Examples of inflammatory propaganda are quoted in this booklet. TTiese 
are typical, and no effort was made to pick out the most violent. Every 
newspaper reader is familiar with this propaganda, and its constant repetition 
has won many to an unjustified hatred of the Polish people. It is often for- 
gotten that these voices carry far, and that the impression made upon the 
Pole fighting for his country is not always consistent with perpetual' peace and 
harmony between this Pole and his Jewish neighbor in Poland. 

Violence of expression, the waging of bitter anti-Polish propaganda in 
the United States, picketing the Polish Legation, reporting in Hearst news- 
papers "pogrom" atrocities laid to Poles in towns still many miles east of 
the Russian military front, "mourning" parades, delegations to the President 
.... all these organized and well financed endeavors to assist Jewry by de- 
stroying the dearly won freedom of Poland .... are the most deadly threats 
to the Jews of Poland, and draw a bitter line of cleavage between Jew and 
Pole w^hen it seems that the moderate elements are joining together in a 
common effort to improve the relations of those peoples who had decades 
ago lived together in mutual respect and harmony. Such relentless antago- 
nism as was shown in certain of the Yiddish press that condemned 'Morgen- 
thau because he did not report more killed than the facts allowed, acts like 
salt on old wounds. 

There must be a rapprochement between Poles and Jeyfs in Poland. 
There never can be until the circumstances of their modes of living and think- 
ing are understood ; until serious men give serious thought and work without 
bitterness toward the solution of an undeniable problem. It is to help 
toward this solution that this booklet is published. 

The Reports 

of the 



To the Sienate: 

I transmit herewith a report from the Secretary 
of State, with accompanying papers, in response to 
a resolution of the Senate requesting him to furnish 
that body, if not incompatible with the public in- 
terest, with the reports made by the mission of the 
United States to Poland, headed by the honorable 
Henry Morgenthau. 


The White House, 

January 15, 1920. 


The undersigned, the Secretary of State, in re- 
sponse to a resolution passed by the Senate of the 
United States on October 22 (calendar day, October 
28), 1919, reading as follows: 

Whereas it is understood that the mission of the United 
States Government to Poland, headed by Hon. Henry 
Morgenthau, has completed its work, and Mr. Morgen- 
thau has made a report to the Secretary of State: There- 
fore be it 

Resolved, That the Secretary of State is hereby requested 
to send to the Senate, if it is not incompatible with the 
public interest, a copy of said report, 

has the honor to submit herewith for transmission 
to the Senate, if the President approve thereof, a 
copy of the report made by the honorable Henry 
Morgenthau, head of the mission, and a copy of a 
report made by the other members of the mission. 
Gen. Edgar Jadwin, United States Army, and Mr. 
Homer H. Johnson. 

Respectfully submitted. 


Department of State, 

Washington, January 14, 1920. 


The Morgenthau Report 

American Commission to Negotiate Peace, 
Mission to Poland, 

Paris, October 3, 1919. 
To the American commission to negotiate peace. 

Gentlemen : 1. A mission, consisting of Mr. Henry 
Morgenthau, Brig. Gen. Edgar Jadwin, and Mr. 
, Homer H. Johnson, was appointed by the American 
/ commission to negotiate peace to investigate Jewish 
matters in PolarTd. The appointment of such a mis- 
sion had previously been requested by Mr. Pader- 
ewski, president of the council of ministers of the 
Republic of Poland. On June 30, 1919, Secretary 
Lansing wrote to this mission : 

It is desired that the mission make careful inquiry into 
all matters affecting the relations between the Jewish and 
non-Jewish elements in Poland. This will, of course, in- 
volve the investigation of the various massacres, pogroms, 
and other excesses alleged to have taken place, the eco- 
nomic boycott, and other methods of discrimination against 
the Jewish race. The establishment of the truth in regard 
to these matters is not, however, an end in itself. It is 
merely for the purpose of seeking to discover the reason 
lying behind such excesses and discriminations with a view 
to finding a possible remedy. The American Government 
as you know, is inspired by a friendly desire to render 
service to all elements in the new Poland — Christians and 
Jews alike. I am convinced that any measures that may 
be taken to ameliorate the conditions of the Jews will also 
benefit the rest of the population and that, conversely, 
anything done for the community benefit of Poland as a 
whole will be of advantage to the Jewish race. I am 
sure that the members of your mission are approaching 
the subject in the right spirit, free from prejudice one way 
or the other, and filled with a desire to discover the truth 
and , evolve some constructive measures to improve the 
situation which give concern to all the friends of Poland. 

2. The mission reached Warsaw on July 13, 1919, 
and remained in Poland until September 13, 1919. 
All the places where the principal excesses had oc- 
curred were visited. In addition thereto the mission 
also studied the economic and social conditions in 
such places as Hodz, Krakau, Grodno, Kalisch, 
Posen, Cholm, Lublin, and Stanislawow. By auto- 
mobiling over 2,500 miles through Russian, Aus- 
trian, and German Poland, the mission also came 
into immediate contact with the inhabitants of the 
small towns and villages. In order properly to 
appreciate the present cultural and social conditions, 
the mission also visited educational institutions, li- 
braries, hospitals, museums, art galleries, orphan 
asylums, and prisons. 

3. Investigations of the excesses were made most- 
ly in the presence of representatives of the Polish 
Government and of the Jewish communities. There 
were also present in many cases military and civil 
officials and, wherever possible, officials in command 
at the time the excesses occurred were conferred 

with and interrogated. In this work the Polish 
authorities and the American minister to Poland, 
Mr. Hugh Gibson, lent the mission every facility. 
Deputations of all kinds of organizations were re- 
ceived and interviewed. A large number of public 
meetings and gatherings were attended, and the 
mission endeavored to obtain a correct impression 
of what had occurred, of the present mental state 
of the public, and of the attitude of the various fac- 
tions toward one another. 

4. The Jews first, entered Poland in large numbers 
during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, when 
they migrated from Germany and other countries as 
the result of severe persecutions. Their language 
was German, which subsequently developed into a 
Hebrew-German dialect, or Yiddish. As prior to 
this immigration only two classes or estates had 
existed in Poland (the owners and the tillers of the 
soil), the Jewish immigrant became the pioneer of 
trade and finance, settling in the towns and villages. 
As time went on it became generally known 
throughout Europe that Poland was a place of 
refuge for the Jews, and their numbers were aug- ' 
mented as a result of persecutions in western 
Europe. Still more recently, as a result of the ex- 
pulsion of the Jews from Russia, on account of the 
enforcement of the pale of settlement, and of the 
May laws of 1882, their number was further in- 

5. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland has been 
a place of refuge for the Jews, there have been anti- 
Jewish movements at various times. The present 
anti-Semitic feeling took a definite political form 
after the Russion revolution of 1905. This feeling 
reached an intense stage in 1912, when the Polish 
National Democratic Party nominated an anti-Se- 
mite to represent Warsaw in the Russian Duma 
and the Jews cast their vote for a Polish Socialist 
and carried the election. The National Democratic 
Party then commenced a vigorous anti-Semitic cam- 
paign. During the German occupation this cam- 
paign was temporarily reduced. At the end of the 
Great War the chaotic and unnatural state of affairs 
in which Poland found itself gave good ground for 
a condition of social unrest, which, together with the 
world-stimulated tendency toward national self-de- 
termination, accentuated the feeling between Jew- 
ish and non-Jewish elements. The chauvinistic re- 
action created by the sudden acquisition of a long- 
coveted freedom ripened the public mind for anti- 
Semitic or anti-alien sentiment, which was strong- 
ly agitated by the press and by politicians. This 
finally encouragedlphysical manifestations of violent 
outcroppings of an unbalanced social condition. 

6. When, in November, 1918, the Austrian 
and German armies of occupation left Poland 
there was no firm government until the ar- 
rival of Gen. Pilsudski, who had escaped from 
a German prison, and it was duringthis period, 
before the Polish Republic came into being, 
that the first of the excesses took place. (The 
mission has purposely avoided the use of the 
word "pogrom," as the word is applied to 
everything from petty outrages to premedi- 
tated and carefully organized massacres. No 
fixed definition is generally understood.) 
There were eight principal excesses, which 
are here described in chronological order. 

(1) Kielce, November 11, 1918. 

Shortly after the evacuation of the Austrian 
troops from Kielce the Jews of this city secured 
permission from the local authorities to hold a meet- 
ing in the Polski Theater. The purpose of this 
meeting was to discuss Jewish national aspirations.^ 
It began shortly before 2 o'clock and filled the thea- 
ter to overflowing. During the afternoon a small 
crowd of Polish civilians, largely composed of 
students, gathered outside of the theater. At 6.30 
p. m. the meeting began to break up, arid when only 
about 300 people remained in the theater, some mili- 
tiamen entered and began to search for arms. A 
short while thereafter, and while the militiamen 
were still in the building, a crowd of civilians and 
some soldiers came into the auditorium and drove 
the Jews from the stairs. On the stairs there was a 
double line of men armed with clubs and bayonets, 
who beat the Jews as they left the building. After 
the Jews reached the street they were again beaten 
by a mob outside. As a result of this attack four 
Jews were killed and a large number wounded. A 
number of civilians have been indicted for participa- 
tion in this excess, but have not as yet been brought 
to trial. 

(2) Lemberg, November 21-23, 1918. 

On October 30, 1918, when the Austrian Empire 
collapsed, the Ukrainian troops, formerly in the 
Austrian service, assumed control of the town. A 
few hundred Polish boys, combined with numerous 
volunteers of doubtful character, recaptured about 
half the city and held it until the arrival of Polish 
reinforcements on November 21. The Jewish pop- 
ulation declared themselves neutral, but the fact 
that the Jewish quarter lay within the section occu- 
pied by the Ukrainians, and that the Jews had or- 
ganized their own militia, and further, the rumor 
that some of the Jewish population had fired upon 
the soldiery, stimulated amongst the Polish volun- 
teers an anti-Semitic bias that readily communicated 
itself to the relieving troops.- The situation was 
further complicated by the presence of some 15,000 
uniformed deserters and numerous criminals re- 
leased by the Ukrainians from local jails, who were 
ready to join in any disorder, particularly if, as in 
the case of wholesale pillage, they might profit 
, Upon the final departure of the Ukrainians, these 

disreputable elements plundered to the extent of 
many millions of crowns the dwellings and stores 
in the Jewish quarter, and did not hesitate at mur- 
der when they met with resistance. During the 
ensuing disorders, which prevailed on November 21, 
22, and 23, 64 Jews were killed and a large amount 
of property destroyed. Thirty-eight houses were 
set on fire, and owing to the paralysis of the fire 
department, were completely gutted. The Syna- 
gogue was also burned, and large numbers of the 
sacred scrolls of the law were destroyed. The 
repression of the disorders was rendered more diffi- 
cult by the prevailing lack of discipline among the 
newly organized Polish troops, and by a certain 
hesitation among the junior officers to apply stern 
punitive measures. When officers' patrols under 
experienced leaders were finally organized on No- 
vember 23, robbery and violence ceased. 

As early as December -24, 1918, the Polish Gov- 
ernment, through the ministry of justice, began a 
strict investigation of the events of November 21 
and 23. A special commission, headed by a justice 
of the supreme court, sat in Lemberg for about two 
months, and rendered an extensive formal report 
whfch has been furnished this mission. In spite of 
the crowded dockets of the local courts, where over 
7,000 cases are now pending, l64 persons, ten of 
them Jews, have been tried for complicity in the 
November disorders, and numerous similar cases 
await disposal. Forty-four persons are under sen- 
tences ranging from 10 days to 18 months. Aside 
from the civil courts, the local court-martial has 
sentenced military persons to confinement for as 
long as three years for lawlessness during the period 
in question. This mission is advised that on the 
basis of official investigations the Government has 
begun the payment of claims for damages resulting 
from these events. 

(3) Pinsk, April 5, 1919. 

Late in the afternoon of April 5, 1919, a month 
or more after the Polish occupation of Pinsk, some 
75 Jews of both sexes, with the official permission 
of the town commander, gathered in the assembly 
hall at the People's House, in the Kupiecka Street, 
to discuss the distribution of relief sent by the Amer- 
ican joint distribution committee. As the meeting 
was about to adjourn, it was interrupted by a band 
of soldiers, who arrested and searched the whole 
assembly, and, after robbing the prisoners, marched 
them at a rapid pace to gendarmerie headquarters. 
Thence the prisoners were conducted to the market 
place and lined up against the wall of the cathedral. 
With no light except the lamps of a military auto- 
mobile the six women in the crowd, and about 25 
men, were separated from the mass, and the re- 
mainder, 35 in number, were shot with scant delib- 
eration and no trial whatever. Early the next morn- 
ing three wounded victims were shot in cold blood 
when it was found that they were still alive. 

The women and other reprieved prisoners were 
confined in the city jail until the following Thurs- 
day. The women were stripped and beaten by the 

prison guards so severely that several of them were 
bed-ridden for weeks thereafter, and the men were 
subjected to similar maltreatment. 

It has been asserted officially by the Polish au- 
thorities that there was reason to suspect this 
assemblage of bolshevist allegiance. This mission 
is convinced that no arguments of bolshevist nature 
were mentioned in the meeting in question. While 
it is recognized that certain information of bolshe- 
vist activities jn Pinsk had been received by two 
Jewish soldiers, the undersigned is convinced that 
Maj. Luczynski, the town commander, showed rep- 
rehensible and frivolous readiness to place credence 
upon such untested assertions, and on this insuffi- 
cient basis took inexcusably drastic action against 
reputable citizens whose loyal character could have 
been immediately established by a consultation with 
any well known non-Jewish inhabitant. 

The statements made officially by Gen. Listowski, 
the Polish group commander, that the Jewish pop- 
ulation on April 5 attacked the Polish troops, are 
regarded by this mission as devoid of foundation. 
The undersigned is further of the opinion that the 
consultation prior to executing the 35 Jews, alleged 
by Maj. Luczynski to have had the character of a 
court-martial, was by the very nature of the case 
a most casual affair with no judicial nature what- 
ever, since less than an hour elapsed between the 
arrest and the execution. It is further found that 
no conscientious effort was made at the time either 
to investigate the charges against the prisoners or 
even sufficiently to identify them. Though there 
have been official investigations of this case none 
of the offenders answerable for this summary exe- 
cution have been punished or even tried, nor has the 
Diet commission published its findings. 

(4) Lida, April 17, 1919. 

On April 17, 1919, the Polish military forces cap- 
tured Lida from the Russian Bolsheviks. After the 
city fell into the hands of the Poles the soldiers 
proceeded to enter and rob the houses of the Jews. 
During this period of pillage 39 Jews were killed 
A large number of Jews, including the local rabbi, 
were arbitrarily arrested on the same day by the 
Polish authorities and kept for 24 hours without food 
amid revolting conditions of filth at No. 60 Kamien- 
ska Street. Jews were also impressed for forced 
labor without respect for age or infirmity. It does 
not appear that anyone has been punished for these 
excesses, or that any steps have been taken to re- 
imburse the victims of the robberies. 

(5) Wilna, April 19-21, 1919. 

On April 19 Polish detachments entered the city 
of Wilna. The city was definitely taken by the 
Poles after three days of street fighting, during 
which time they lost 33 men killed. During this 
same period some 65 Jews lost their lives. From 
the evidence submitted it appears that none of these 
people, among whom were four women and eight 
men over 50 years of age, had served with the Bol- 
sheviks. Eight Jews were marched 3 kilometers 

to the outskirts of Wilna and deliberately shot with- 
out a, semblance of a trial or investigation. Others 
were shot by soldiers who were robbing Jewisii 
houses. No list has been furnished the mission of 
any Polish civilians killed during the occupation. 
It is, however, stated on behalf of the Government 
that the civilian inhabitants of Wilna took part on 
both sides in this fighting, and that some civilians 
fired upon the soldiers. Over 2,000 Jewish houses 
and stores in the city were entered by Polish sol- 
diers and civilians during these three days, and the 
inhabitants robbed and beaten. It is claimed by the 
Jewish community that the consequent losses 
amounted to over 10,000,000 rubles. Many of the 
poorest families were robbed of their shoes and 
blankets. Hundreds of Jews were arrested and de- 
ported from the city. Some of them were herded 
into box cars and kept without food or water for 
four days. Old men and children were carried away 
without trial or investigation. Two of these pris- 
oners have since died from the treatment they re- 
ceived. Included in this list were some of the most 
prominent Jews of Wilna, such as the eminent 
Jewish writers, Jaff e and Niger. For days the fami- 
lies of these prisoners were without news from them 
and feared that they had been killed. The soldiers 
also broke into the synagogue and mutilated the 
sacred scrolls of the law. Up to August 3, 1919, 
when the mission was in Wilna, none of the soldiers 
or civilians responsible for these excesses had been 

(6) Kolbuszowa, May 7, 1919. 

For a few days before May 7, 1919, the 
Jews of Kolbuszowa feared that excesses 
might take place, as there had been riots in 
the neighboring towns of Rzeszow and Glo- 
gow. These riots had been the result of po- 
litical agitation in this district and of excite- 
ment caused by a case of alleged ritual mur- 
der, in which the Jewish defendant had been 
acquitted. On May 6 a company of soldiers 
was ordered to Kolbuszowa to prevent the 
threatened trouble. Early in the morning of 
May 7 a great number of peasants, among 
whom were many former soldiers of the Aus- 
trian Army, entered the town. . The rioters 
disarmed the soldiers after two soldiers and 
three peasants had been killed. They then 
proceeded to rob the Jewish stores and to 
beat any Jews who fell into their hands. 
Eight Jews were killed during this excess. 
Order was restored when a new detachment 
of soldiers arrived late in the afternoon. One 
of the rioters has since been tried and exe- 
cuted by the Polish Government. 

(7) Czestochowa, May 27, 1919. 

Oft May 27, 1919, at Czestochowa, a shot fired by 
an unknown person slightly wounded a Polish sol- 
dier. A rumor spread that the shot had been fired 
by the Jews, and riots broke out in the city in which 
Polish soldiers and civilians took part. During 
these riots five Jews, including a doctor who was 
hurrying to aid one of the injured, were beaten to 

death and a large number were wounded. French 
officers, who were stationed at Czestochowa, took 
an active part in preventing further murders. 

(8) Minsk, August 8, 1919. 

On August 8, 1919, the Polish troops took the city 
of Minsk from the Russian Bolsheviks. The Polish 
troops entered the city at about 10 o'clock in the 
morning, and by 12 o'clock they had absolute con- 
trol. Notwithstanding the presence in Minsk of 
Gen. Jadwin and other members of this mission, 
and the orders of the Polish commanding general 
forbidding violence against civilians, 31 Jews were 
.killed by the soldiers. Only one of this number can 
in any way be connected with the bolshevist move- 
ment. Eighteen of the deaths appear to have been 
deliberate murder. Two of these murders were in- 
cident to robberies, but the rest were committed, to 
all appearances, solely on the ground that the vic- 
tims wcire Jews. During the afternoon and in the 
evening' of August 8 the Polish soldiers, aided by 
civilians, plundered 2>77 shops, all of which belonged 
to Jews. It must be noted, however, that about 90 
per cent of the stores in Minsk are owned by Jews. 
No effective attempt was made to prevent these rob- 
beries until the next morning, when adequate offi- 
cers' patrols were sent out through the streets and 
order was established. The private houses of many 
of the Jews were also broken into by soldiers and 
the inhabitants were beaten and robbed. The Po- 
lish Government has stated that four Polish sol- 
diers were killed while attempting to prevent rob- 
beries. It has also been stated to the mission that 
some of the rioters have been executed. 

7. There have also been here and there individual 
cases of murder not enumerated in the preceding 
paragraphs, but their detailed description has not 
been considered necessary inasmuch as they present 
no characteristics not already observed in the prin- 
cipal excesses. In considering these excesses as a 
whole, it should be borne in mind that of the eight 
cities and towns at which striking disorders have 
occurred, only Kielce and Czestochowa are within 
the boundaries of Congress Poland.^ In Kielce and 
Kolbuszowa the excesses were committed by city 
civilians and by peasants, respectively. At Czes- 
tochowa both civilians and soldiers took part in the 
disorders. At Pinsk the excess was essentially the 
fault of one officer. In Lemberg, Lida, Wilna, and 
Minsk the excesses were committed by the soldiers 
who were capturing the cities and not by the civilian 
population. In the three last-named cities the anti- 
Semitic prejudice of the soldiers had been inflamed 
by the charge that the Jews were Bolsheviks, while 
at Lemberg it was associated with the idea that the 
Jews were making common cause with the Ukrain- 
ians. These excesses were, therefore, political as 
well as anti-Semitic in character. The responsibility 
for these excesses is borne for the most part by the 
undisciplined and ill-equipped Polish recruits, who, 
uncontrolled by their inexperienced and ofttimes 
timid officers, sought to profit at the expense of 
that portion of the population which they regarded 

as alien and hostile to Polish nationality and aspira- 
tions. It is recognized that the enforcement of dis- 
cipline in a new and untrained army is a matter of 
extreme difficulty. On the other hand, the prompt 
cessation of disorder in Lemberg after the adoption 
of appropriate measures of control shows that an 
unflinching determination to restore order and a 
firm application of repressive measures can prevent, 
or at least limit, such excesses. It is, therefore, be- 
lieved that a more aggressive punitive policy, and 
a more general publicity for reports of judicial and 
military prosecutions, would have minimized sub- 
sequent excesses by discouraging the belief among 
the soldiery that robbery and violence could be com- 
mitted with impunity. 

8. Just as the Jews would resent being con- 
demned as a race for the action of a few of 
their undesirable coreligionists, so it would be 
correspondingly unfair to condemn the Polish 
nation as a whole for the violence committed 
by uncontrolled troops or local mobs. These 
excesses were apparently not premeditated, 
for if they had been part of a preconceived 
plan, the number of victims would have run 
into the thousands instead of amounting to 
about 280. It is believed that these excesses 
were the result of a widespread anti-Semitic 
prejudice aggravated by the belief that the 
Jewish inhabitants were politically hostile to 
the Polish State. When the boundaries of 
Poland are once fixed, and the internal or- 
ganization of the country is perfected, the Po- 
lish Government will be increasingly able to - 
protect all classes of Polish citizenry. Since 
the Polish Republic has subscribed to the 
treaty which provides for the protection of 
racial, religious and linguistic minorities, it is 
confidently anticipated that the Government 
will whole-heartedly accept the responsibil- 
ity, not only of guarding Certain classes of its 
citizens from aggression, but also of educat- 
ing the masses beyond the state of mind that 
makes such aggression possible. 

9. Besides these excesses there have been reported 
to the mission numerous cases of other forms of per- 
secutions. Thus, in almost every one of the cities 
and towns of Poland, Jews have been stopped by 
the soldiers and had their beards either torn out or 
cut off. As the orthodox Jews feel that the shaving 
of their beards is contrary to their religious belief, 
this form of persecution has a particular sigfnificance 
to them. Jews also have been beaten and forced 
from trains and railroad stations. As a result many 
of them are afraid to travel. The result of all these 
minor persecutions is to keep the Jewish population 
in a state of ferment, and to subject them to the 
fear that graver excesses may again occur. 

10. Whereas it has been easy to determine the 
excesses which took place and to fix the approxi- 
mate number of deaths, it was more difficult to 
establish the extent of anti-Jewish discrimination. 
This discrimination finds its most conspicuous man- 
ifestation in the form of an economic boycott. The 

national Democratic Party has continuously agi- 
tated the economic strangling of the Jews. Through 
the press and political announcements, as well as 
by public speeches, the non-Jewish element of the 
Polish people is urged to abstain from dealing with 
the jews. Landowners are warned not to sell their 
property to Jews, and in some cases where such 
sales have been made, the names of the offenders 
have been posted within black-bordered notices, 
stating that such vendors were "dead to Poland." 
Even at the present time, this campaign is being 
waged by most of the non-Jewish press, which con- 
stantly advocates that the economic boycott be used 
as a means of ridding Poland of its Jewish element. 
This agitation had created in the minds of some of 
the Jews the feeling that there is an invisible rope 
around their necks, and they claim that this .is the 
worst persecution that they can be forced to endure. 
Non-Jewish laborers have in many cases refused to 
work side by side with Jews. The percentage of 
Jews in public office, especially those holding minor 
positions, such as railway employees, firemen, po- 
licemen, and the like, has been materially reduced 
since the present Government has taken control. 
Documents have been furnished the mission show- 
ing that Government-owned railways have dis- 
charged Jewish employes and given them certifi- 
cates that they have been released for no other rea- 
son than that they belong to the Jewish race. 

11. Further, the establishment of co-opera- 
, tive stores is claimed by many Jewish traders 

to be a form of discrimination. It would seem, 
however, that this movement is a legitimate 
effort to restrict the activities and therefore 
the profits of the middleman. Unfortunately, 
when these stores were introduced into Po- 
land, they were advertised as a means of elim- 
inating the Jewish trader. The Jews have, 
therefore, been caused to feel that the estab- 
lishment of co-operatives is an attack upon 
themselves. While the establishment and 
the maintenance of co-operatives may have 
been influenced by anti-Semitic sentiment, 
this is a form of economic activity which any 
community is perfectly entitled to pursue. 
On the other hand, the Jews complain that 
even the Jewish co-operatives and individual 
Jews are discriminated against by the Gov- 
ern in the distribution of Government-con- 
trolled supplies. 

12. The Government has denied that dis- 
crimination against Jews has been practiced 
as a Government policy, though it has not 
denied that there may be individual cases 
where anti-Semitism has played a part. As- 
surances have been made to the mission by 
official authorities that in so far as it lies 
within the power of the Government this dis- 
crimination will be corrected. 

13. In considering the causes for the anti- 
Semitic feeling which has brought about the 
manifestations described above, it must be re- 

membered that ever since the partition of 
1795 the Poles have striven to be reunited as 
a nation and to regain their freedom. This 
continual effort to keep alive their national 
aspirations has caused them to look with 
hatred upon anything which might interfere 
with their aims. This has led to a conflict 
with the nationalist declarations of some of 
the Jewish organizations which desire to es- , 
tablish cultural autonomy financially sup- 
ported by the state.* In addition, the posi- 
tion taken by the Jews in favor of article 93 
of the treaty of Versailles, guaranteeing pro- 
tection to racial, linguistic and religious 
minorities in Poland has created a further 
resentment against them.^ Moreover, Po- 
lish national feeling is irritated by what is 
regarded as the "alien" character of the great 
mass of the Jewish population. This is con- 
stantly brought home to the Poles by the fact 
that the majority of the Jews affect a distinc- 
tive dress, observe the Sabbath on Saturday, 
conduct business on Sunday, have separate 
dietary laws, wear long beards, and speak a 
language of their own. The basis of this lan- 
guage is a German dialect, and the fact that 
Germany was, and still is, looked upon by the 
Poles as an enemy country renders this ver- 
nacular especially unpopular. The concen- 
tration of the Jews in separate districts or 
quarters in Polish cities also emphasizes the 
line of demarcation separating them from 
other citizens. 

14. The strained relations between the Jews and 
non-Jews have been further increased not only by 
the Great War, during which Poland was the bat- 
tleground for the Russian, German, and Austrian 
Armies but also by the present conflicts with the 
Bolsheviks and the Ukrainians. The economic con- 
dition of Poland is at its lowest ebb. Manufactur- 
ing and commerce have virtually ceased. The 
shortage, the high price, and the imperfect distribu- 
tion of food, are a dangerous menace to the health 
and welfare of the urban population. As a result, 
hundreds of thousands are suffering from hunger 
and are but half clad, while thousands are dying 
of disease and starvation. The cessation of com- 
merce is particularly felt by the Jewish population, 
who are almost entirely dependent upon it. Owing 
to the conditions described, prices have doubled and 
tripled, and the population has become irritated 
against the Jewish traders, whom it blames for the 
abnormal increase thus occasioned. 

15. The great majority of Jews in Poland belong 
to separate Jewish political parties. The largest 
of these are the Orthodox, the Zionist, and the Na- 
tional. Since the Jews form separate political 
groups it is probable that some of the Polish dis- 
crimination against them is political rather than 
anti-Semitic in character. The dominant Polish 
parties give to their supporters Government posi- 
tions and Government patronage. It is to be hoped, 
however, that the Polish majority will not follow 

this system in the case of positions which are not 
essentially political. There should be no discrimi- 
nation in the choice of professors and teachers, nor 
in the selection of railroad employees, policemen, 
and firemen, or the incumbents of any other posi- 
tions which are placed under the civil service in 
England and the United States. Like other de- 
mocracies, Poland must realize that these positions 
must not be drawn into politics. Efficiency can only 
be attained if the best men are employed, irrespec- 
tive of party or religion. 

16. The relations between the Jews and 
non-Jews will undoubtedly improve in a 
strong democratic Poland. To hasten this 
there should be reconciliation and co-opera- 
tion between the 86 per cent Christians and 
the 14 per cent Jews. The 86 per cent must 
realize that they can not present a solid front 
against their neighbors if one-seventh of the 
population is discontented, fear-stricken, and 
inactive. The minority must be encouraged 
to participate with their whole strength and 
influence in making Poland the great unified 
country that is required in central Europe to 
combat -the tremendous dangers that con- 
front it. Poland' must promptly develop its 
full strength, and by its conduct first merit 
and then receive the unstinted moral, finan- 
cial, and economic support of all the world, 
which will insure the future success of the 

17. It was impossible for the mission, during the 
two months it was in Poland, to do more than ac- 
quaint itself with the general condition of the peo- 
ple. To formulate a solution of the Jewish problem 
will necessitate a careful and broad study, not only 
of the economic condition of the Jews, but also of 
the exact requirements of Poland. These require- 
ments will not be definitely known prior to the fixa- 
tion of Polish boundaries, and the final regulation 
of Polish relations with Russia, with which the 
largest share of trade was previously conducted. 
It is recommended that the league of nations, or the 
larger nations interested in this problem, send to 
Poland a commission consisting of recognized in- 

dustrial, educational, agricultural, economic, and 
vocational experts, which should remain there as 
long as necessary to examine the problem at its 

18. This commission should devise a plan by 
which the Jews in Poland can secure the same eco- 
nomic and social opportunities as are enjoyed by 
their coreligionists in other free countries. A new 
Polish constitution is now in the making. The gen- 
erous scope of this national instrument has already 
been indicated by the special treaty with the allied 
and associated powers, in which Poland has affirmed 
its fidelity to the principles of liberty and justice 
and the rights of minorities, and we may be certain 
that Poland will be faithful to its pledge, which is 
so conspicuously in harmony with the nation's best 
traditions. A new life will thus be opened to the 
Jews and it will be the task of the proposed commis- 
sion to fit them to profit thereby and to win the 
same appreciation gained by their coreligionists 
elsewhere as a valued asset to the commonwealths 
in which they r.eside. The friends of the Jews in 
America, England, and elsewhere who have al- 
ready evinced such great interest in their welfare, 
will enthusiastically grasp the opportunity to co- 
operate in working put any good solution that' such 
a commission may propound. The fact that it may 
take one or two generations to reach the goal must 
not be discouraging. 

19. All citizens of Poland should realize 
that they must live together. They can not 
be divorced from each other by force or by 
any court of law. When this idea is once 
thoroughly comprehended, every eflFort will 
necessarily be directed toward a better un- 
derstanding and the amelioration of existing 
conditions, rather than toward augmenting 
antipathy and discontent. The Polish nation 
must see that its worst enemies are those 
who encourage this internal strife. A house 
divided against itself can not stand. There 
must be but one class of -citizens in Poland, 
all members of which enjoy equal rights and 
render equal duties. 

Respectfully submitted. 



' See footnote No. 4. 

^ When the Austrians surrendered Lemberg to the Ukrain- 
ians, the liberation of the city became a Polish national pos- 
tulate to such a degree that women and children took part 
in the fighting in the streets. The Jews of Lemberg pro- 
claimed themselves neutral and organized their own security — 
guards armed with carabines. The conviction that the "Jews 
were fighting on the side of the Ukrainians was based on a 
series of incidents and misunderstandings. The Ukrainians 
wore blue and yellow badges on their sleeves, which were 
often mistaken for the blue and white badges of the Jews ; 
the "Ukrainskie Slowo" published that "the Jews are with 
us" ; the Ukrainian communique of the 18th November, 1918, 
reported that the Polish attack "met with the fierce opposi- 
tion of the Jewish militia." The falsity of these reports be- 
came known too late. About 2,000 criminals let out of prison 
by the Austrians and the Ukrainians tried to get arms and 
uniforms in order to plunder. There were, therefore, rob- 
bers in Austrian, Ukrainian and Polish uniforms. In street 
skirmishes it was not always easy to discern which were sol- 
diers and which were bandits, and when the Jewish guards 
shot at bandits clothed in Polish uniforms, the opinion was 
confirmed that the Jews shot at Poles. 

' General Jadwin reports : "Five deaths are the only fatal- 
ities from mob violence in Congress Poland discovered or 
reported to us since the establishment of a stable government 
in the Republic." Sir Rumbold says : "The excesses against 
the Jews can be divided from a geographical point of view 
into two categories : those which were perpetrated m Poland 
proper, in the course of which eighteen Jews lost their lives, 
and those which took place in the war zones which, in Novem- 
ber, 1918, included Lemberg, and where the majority of the 
murders occurred. Sir Stuart Samuel estimates the total 
number of lives lost at not less than 348 so that 330 Jews 
were killed in the war zone." Congress Poland that part of 
the partitioned country that was under Russian domination, 
has a population of approximately 12,000,000. (Congress 
Poland was created by the Congress of Vienna in 1815, and 
under the title of the Kingdom of Poland was to have a 
separate parliament in Warsaw and only connected with 
Russia through having the same king. Subsequently the 
whole of Congress Poland was incorporated within Russia 
and called the Province of the Vistula in order that the 
name of Poland should disappear from the map of Europe). 

' Immediately after the proclamation of . Poland's inde- 
pendence the Jews came forward with national demands 
which they had never made while Poland was a part of the 
annexing states: Russia, Germany and Austria. They ad- 
dressed themselves to the Paris Conference with these de- 
mands, which were partially taken into account in the treaty 
on the national minorities. The Jews demanded their own 
national State in Palestine, and in Poland complete equality 

with other citizens of the State and, in addition Mt'O"*' 
autonomy with their own Jewish National Assembly for the 
direction of Jewish affairs in Poland, presenting candidates 
for a Minister of Jewish affairs, and administrating mde- 
pendently Jewish schools and institutions. These demands 
found an echo in the speeches of Jewish deputies in the Polish 
Parliament on the 24th, 27th and 28th February in the decla- 
rations of the deputies Perlmutter, Prylucki and Grunbaura. 
The Poles agreed without reserve to the demand for equal 
rights as in harmony with Poland's traditions, but rejected 
the demand for national autonomy regarding it as the desire 
to create a State within a State, and a demand in opposition 
to equal rights, as the Jews would then possess more rights 
than the rest of the citizens. 

''Poland has always shown complete religious tolerance, 
and equal rights for all citizens has always been the perma- 
nent postulate of all parties. Under Russian rule in Poland 
the Jews obtained equal rights, thanks to the Poles. Alexan- 
der Wielopolski, when he obtained in 1862 from Alexander II.- 
full administrative authority for Poland, profited by it to 
proclaim and establish the equal rights of Jews. The Polish 
provincial Diet in Poznania asked for equal rights for Jews 
in 1847, and the Polish Diet in Lemberg voted it in 1868, im- 
mediately after obtaining the autonomy of Galicia. The Poles 
were therefore painfully impressed that the the moment of 
Poland's uprising the Jews, ignoring Polish factors, ad- 
dressed themselves to Paris for guarantees of their rights in 
reborn Poland. In "A Brief Outline of Polish History," 
issued in 1919 by the Polish Encyclopeadic Publications Com- 
mittee, this explanation is given: "The ukase of March 26, 

1861, granted to the Kingdom a separate Council of State, 
the autonomy of the governments, districts and towns, the 
direction of the public worship and of. education, and finally a 
reform of the University system. Marquis Alexander Wie- 
lopolski, who was known for his anti-German and anti-Aus- 
trian ideas, a sincere partisan of a loyal entente with Russia, 
was made director of the Public worship. But. on the other 
hand, the government closed the Agricultural Society which 
had grouped round it the moderate patriots, surnaraed the 
"Whites," who were opposed to all armed rising. The Mar- 
quis, unable to get on with the imperial lieutenants, sent in 
his resignation. Called to Petersburg, he used all his po- 
litical ability in trying to get back ior Poland its complete 
autonomy. He came back to Warsaw during the summer of 

1862, with the new Imperial Lieutenant, the Grand Duke Con- 
stantine, and charged with full powers. Created vice-presi- 
dent of the Administration Council, which meant head of a 
civil government, he set to work immediately to accomplish 
his projects: equal rights for the Jews and the reform of the 
educational system." In other words Poland had only this 
single opportunity to give the Poles liberties and at once 
took advantage of it. After the uprising of 1863, Russia re- 
nounced the Polish decree and never again allowed Poland 
freedom of action in regard to the treatment of Jews. 



The Jadwin and Johnson Report 

American Commission to Negotiate Peace 
Mission to Poland, 

Paris, October 31, 1919. 

American commission to negotiate peace. 

Gentlemen: 1. The mission to Poland (consisting 
of Mr. Henry Morgenthau, Brig. Gen. Edgar Jad- 
win, and Mr. Homer H. Johnson) was named for the 
purpose of carrying out and investigation of ques- 
tions the relations between the Jewish and the non- 
Jewish elements in the Republic. Accompanied by 
its working personnel, the mission remained in Po- 
land from July 13, 1919, to September 13, 1919, and 
visited the scenes of the most widely reported ex- 
cesses, studied economic conditions in the local 
centers of production and distribution, consulted 
Polish statesmen and Jewish men of affairs, ob- 
served living conditions among the common people, 
associated with officers of the army, and, consider- 
ing always the historical environment influencing 
the nature, aims, and disposition of the Polish Na- 
tion, endeavored to arrive at a just understanding 
of the present relations between the component ele- 
ments of the Republic. The mission owes its thanks 
to Gen. Pilsudski, the chief of state, Mr. Paderewski, 
president of the council of ministers, and to the 
Polish authorities in general for the facilities con- 
tributed toward the execution of its task, and is 
also indebted to Mr. Hugh Gibson, American minis- 
ter to Poland, for his aid. In all localities visited, 
the Jewish communities extended to the mission 
their full confidence and co-operation. 

It should be borne in mind that most of the 
time of the mission in Poland was taken up 
in the examination of complaints made by or 
in behalf of Jewish citizens of Poland, and 
that the material as to excesses is largely 
based on ex parte statements. While it was 
the original intention of the mission to give 
the Polish Government an opportunity for 
detailed rebuttal, the relatively small extent 
of the excesses themselves, as compared with 
the largest elements contributing to anti-Semi- 
tism, and the importance of a remedy, seemed 
to make such rebuttal unnecessary. Within 
the boundaries of Congress Poland only 18 
Jews lost their lives, while in the whole terri- 
tory now controlled or occupied by the Polish 
Republic the grand total of deaths from ex- 
cesses in which anti-Semitism was a factor 
has not exceeded 300. 

We were able to arrive at our conclusions from 
the data furnished by Jewish sources, from answers 
to specific questions addressed to various Polish 
ministries, from many conferences with other Po- 

lish citizens, and from utterances in the Polish press, 
and believe that those sources sufficiently disclosed 
the nature and causes of anti-Jewish disturbances 
without further pro-Polish evidence. 

After the return of the mission to Paris its mem- 
bers were unable to consu-lt together on account of 
the absence of Gen. Jadwin on other duty in south- 
ern Russia. Mr. Morgenthau before leaving Paris 
submitted a report representing his views of the 
situation, and the other members, in his absence, 
have prepared these considerations,- which, while 
differing but slightly from Mr.. Morgenthau's, have 
been put in the form of a complete report as leading 
up to conclusions which differ from those of Mr. 

2. P9lish opinion characterizes the tradi- 
tional attitude of Poland toward the Jews as 
one of tolerance. When the Jews in western 
Europe fell a prey to persecutions induced by 
the fresh wave of fanaticism incident to the 
Crusades, they migrated in large numbers to 
Poland as a place of refuge, where the Jewish 
communities received numerous special privi- 
leges, and possessed almost complete local 
government. This internal independence 
lasted until early in the nineteenth century, 
when it was finally so reduced as to apply to 
religious and educational matters only. The 
memory of former independence within the 
limits of the State plays a considerable role - 
in the present aspirations of certain Jewish 
parties for autonomy with the right to receive 
and expend a pro rata part of State revenue. 
The traditional concentration of the Jews in 
their communities, due to the necessity of 
maintaining close connection with the syna- 
gogue, has given further impetus to the spirit 
of separatism and cleavage from the rest of 
the population, which aggravates the Jewish 
question at the moment. It is frequently al- 
leged that even in the Middle Ages Jewish 
separatism, commercial competition and ac- 
quisitiveness aroused a certain irritation 
among the Polish masses, which has persisted 
as an inherited prejudice to the present day. 

With the accession of Nicholas 1 (1825), perse- 
cution of the Jews began with the official sanction 
of the Russian Empire, and continued until Nicho- 
las was succeeded by Alexander II. Tn harmony 
with the latter's liberal policy, decrees were pub- 
lished in 1862 completely emancipating the Jews, 
but after the reaction from the insurrection of 1863, 
in which, at least in Warsaw, many Jews fought 
shoulder to shoulder with the Poles, these laws be- 
came a dead letter. Though frequently invoked as 


a proof i)t Polish tolerance, the\- have provided since 
that time no e^>ential guarantees of Jewish rights.^ 
During the second half of the nineteenth century 
conditions in Poland were further complicated by 
the rigid enforcement of the pale of settlement. The 
original prohibition to settle outside the pale had 
been so modified under Alexander II as to allow 
wealthy Jewish merchants, Jewish holders of uni- 
versity degrees, and Jewish artisans, to reside in the 
interior provinces of Russia. This concession was 
counterbalanced by the laws of May. 1882, forbid- 
ding Jews to reside in the country districts and small 
towns of the pale, and crowding them into the cities 
where their coreligionists were already congested. 
At the same time, the expulsion of Jewish artisans 
from Moscow aggravated the abnormal concentra- 
tion of this section. The result of these conditions 
was a sharpening of competition between Jew and 
non-Jew in the districts where both elements lived 
side by side. The lack of opportunity for the Jew 
to engage in production drove him into small trad- 
ing, a business already overflowing and incapable 
of providing a livelihood for even a small number 
of newcomers. Even before the war, the mass of 
Polish Jewry had to struggle for their daily bread, 
and in addition to commercial rivalry, popular re- 
sentment against them was further accentuated by 
their religious separatism and their differences in 
dress, dietary habits, and Sabbath observances. 

3. To the basic factors of the present situation 
must be added the cross-currents of factional aspirai- 
tions and international intrigue caused by the Great 
War. During the German occupation of Poland, 
the Germanic character of the Yiddish vernacular 
and the readiness of certaia Jewish elements to 
enter into relations with the winning side induced 
the enemy to employ Jews as agents for various 
- purposes and to grant the Jewish population not 
only exceptional protection, but also the promise of 
autonomy. It is alleged that the Jews were active 
in speculation in foodstuffs, which was encouraged 
by the armies of occupation with a view to facilitat- 
ing export to Germany and Austria. Notwithstand- 
ing the patriotic attitude assumed by many promi- 
nent Jews, the number of Hebrews employed by 
the German forces and occasional cases of denuncia- 
tion by Jews added fuel to the flame of prejudice. 
A sensitive Polish nationalism has been resentful 
of any self-assertion fronj a' minority whose verj-^ 
language recalls the heavy hand of the oppressor. 

It is not merely for his alleged German sympa- 
thies that the Jew is regarded with antipathy, but 
also for his supposed relations with the Bolsheviks. 
The Polish masses and soldiery who have come in 
contact with bolshevism class the Jews as its sup- 
porters, and at Pinsk, Lida, and Wilna, where seri- 
ous excesses occurred concurrently with military 
operations, their argument was in each case ad- 
vanced by local military authorities in partial ex- 
planation of the occurrences. It is also often as- 
serted that the chiefs of the Bolshevist movement 
in Russia are Jews of Poland or Lithuania and there 
is no doubt that they played a prominent part in 

the Bolshevik government ot such cities as Wilna, 
Lida, and Minsk before the capture of these cities 
hv the Polish Army. The program of the Jewish 
Socialist belonging' to the Bund Party is also ad- 
duced as a proof of Jewish sympathy with the Bol- 
sheviks, though since the Russian revolution the 
Bund has allied itself with the moderate element 
(Mensheviki) among the Russian Socialists. It 
may be questioned whether undue arbitrary general- 
ization has not been resorted to by elements hostile 
to the Jew in defining the Jewish political stand- 
point. It is no more fair to brand all Jews as Bol- 
sheviks because some of them support the Soviets 
than to class all Poles as Jew-baiters because some 
of their military forces or of their lawless civil 
elements have occasionally been guilty of depreda- 
tions and violence. 

The alien sympathies attributed to the Jew 
vary with the racial problems in different 
sections of the country. Under the Austrian 
regime the situation of the Jews in Galicia 
had been favorable. But when the Haps- 
burg monarchy crumbled, and the struggle 
broke out between Pole and Ukrainian for 
the possession of Lemberg and eastern Ga- 
licia, the neutrality professed by a portion of 
the Jewish population resulted ' in increased 
hostility toward the Jew. The waiting game 
dictated at this juncture by the Jewish sense 
of expediency was interpreted by the Poles as 
Ukrainian partisanship. The disorders of 
November 21 to 23 in Lemberg became, like 
the excesses in Lithuania, a weapon of foreign 
anti-Polish propaganda. The press bureau 
of the Central Powers, in whose interest it 
lay to discredit the Polish Republic before 
the world, permitted the publication of 
articles like that in the "Neue Freie Presse" 
of November 30, 1918, in which an eyewitness 
estimated the number of victims between 
2,500 and 3,000, although the extreme number 
furnished by the local Jewish committee 
was 76. 

As the result of the war, the natural depression 
of industry and commercial life has also become a 
peculiar incident of anti-Semitism. The use of the 
country as a battlefield by foreign armies, who re- 
quisitioned and plundered all available material, 
who made it difficult for the Jewish merchant, first, 
to "Secure goods with which to deal, and second, to 
charge other than high prices for them. When the 
merchant is able to secure a stock of goods the very 
fact that he has them in his possession, and that he 
is compelled to charge abnormal prices, tends to the 
popular conviction that he is a profiteer. The pre- 
vailing monetary insecurity also renders bart^ 
necessary and merchandising difficult, while the 
Jewish merchant, thus hampered in his business, is 
met by the increasing prejudice growing out of the 
abnormal conditions of war under which his trading 
must be carried on. 

Some Poles have stated that the Jews permit a 
different standard of business deportment in deal- 


ings with non-Jews, and that they are thus, outside 
of passing conditions, responsible for existing preju- 
dice. This is vigorously denied by the Jews. Fur- 
thermore, the use of economic questions with racial 
attachments for political arguments contributes to 
perpetuating an issue which, as a result of passing 
circumstances, should disappear with renewed eco- 
nomic activity. 

4. The modern Polish State consists, or may con- 
sist when its boundaries are fixed, of five distinct 
sections : Congress Poland, Poznania, Galicia (east- 
ern and western), and portions of Lithuania and 
White Russia, Minsk, Grodno, Volhynia, and, part 
of Vitebsk. The proportion of Jews varies from 
less than 1 per cent in the immediate vicinity of 
the Prussian boundary to 75 per cent in the White 
Russian city of Pinsk. Out of 441 census divisions, 
there are about 13 in which the Jews exceed 20 per 
cent of the population. The old Russian provinces 
of Minsk and Volhynia have the largest percentage 
of Jewish inhabitants. In general, the percentage 
of Jews increases toward the eastward, and with 
the exception of Warsaw, Lodz, and some smaller 
cities in Congress Poland, is largest in the region 
running northeast from Warsaw to Wilna, and in 
the district extending south from Minsk across the 
Prypec toward the Dniester River. This concentra- 
tion is due to the Russian laws confining the Jews 
within the Provinces making up the river systems of 
the Dnieper and the Niemen, and to the gradual 
eviction of the Jews from interior Russian cities 
into this so-called pale of settlement. Except in 
the cities, the proportion of Jews in Congress Po- 
land does not exceed 10 per cent of the population, 
am' with the cities included about 15 per cent is 

The percentage of Poles in Congress Poland, ex- 
cept in the cities where Jews have settled, rises 
about 75 per cent. West of Posen, toward the 
Prussian boundary, the proportion of Poles shades 
off to 25 per cent and less. A fairly distinct belt of 
Polish-speaking people extends north to Danzig 
and the edge of Pomerania. Owing to the extreme 
variations in the Russian census of 1897 and 1909 
for Lithuania and the Ukraine, it is difficult to give 
accurate figures as to the Polish population east of 
the Bug River. In Lithuania, with the exception of 
Wilna and environs, the proportion of Poles no- 
where passes 25 per cent. In Wilna itself the Poles 
are variously estimated at 20 to 43 per cent, with 
some present claims as high as 55 per cent. In 
White Russia, on the contrary, the 'Polish popula- 
tion is extremely small, especially in the Province 
of Minsk, where it does not exceed 10 per cent, al- 
though the city of Minsk has about 25 per cent. In 
western Galicia, centering about Cracow, the Poles 
reach 75 per cent, while in eastern Galicia they share 
the territory about equally with the Ukrainians, 
though retaining considerable superiority in the city 
of Lemberg itself. There has been a distinct east- 
ward drift to Polish emigration, so that Polish in- 
filtrations appear as far east as Kiev and the Prov- 
ince of Mohilev. Owing to peculiar agrarian condi- 

tions, the Poles before the war held nearly half of all 
real estate in Lithuania and Ukraine. 

It will thus be seen that the percentage of popula- 
tion in the various sections of what is now Poland, 
or what may be Poland, adds to the general com- 
plexity of the influences entering into the problem 
of anti-Semitism. Naturally the relations in the 
eastern districts now held by Poland are affected, 
not only by the percentage of Jews, but by the small 
proportion of Polish inhabitants in these sections. 
The attitude of the various elements of the popula- 
tion and the play of sentiment as to the political 
future of the country further contribute to this 
puzzling complexity. In spite of considerable agita- 
tion, no serious difficulty exists in Posen, and even 
in Congress Poland there is little disturbance of 
fundamental relations. But in view of the uncer- 
tainty as to whether the regions in the East are 
to be Polish, Russian, or independent, it is readily 
seen that the relation of the Jew to the eventual 
political disposition of these territories is still an 
irritating element. These same problems are to 
some extent inherent in every other country where 
the Jewish character and habits develop a racial 
solidarity, necessarily accompanied by an economic 
and social intermingling with the other elements of 
the population. 

5. The Jewish situation is rendered more 
difficult by the efforts of certain malicious 
German influences to further their eastern 
projects by discrediting Poland financially 
and otherwise. It is not to the interest of 
the German State to allow Poland to become 
a powerful and prosperous competitor, since 
Poland is more favorably situated to act as a 
center of exchange between Russia and the 
west. There are also conservative elements 
among Russian statesmen who are equally 
anxious to prevent foreign financial aid to Po- 
land and are using criticism of the Polish 
State as a weapon to forestall the assistance 
of the allied and associated powers. If Po- 
land is to become a firmly established State, 
the needs of the Republic must be considered 
from the angle of Polish national aspirations 
and rights, and not simply on the basis of the 
purposes of its temporarily paralyzed neigh- 
bors to the east and west. 

In common with all free Governments of 
the world, Poland is faced with the danger of 
the political and international propaganda to 
which the war has given rise. The coloring, 
the suppression, and the invention of news, 
the subornation of newspapers by many dif- 
ferent methods, and the poisoning by secret 
influences of the instruments affecting public 
opinion, in short, all the methods of malevo- 
lent propaganda are a menace from which 
Poland is a notable suflferer. This applies to 
propaganda both at home and from abroad. 
While the Polish press as a whole may not 
be charged with irresponsibility, it has in 
general gone to the extreme of political pro- 


priety, and many of its organs nave passed 
far beyond that limit, to the great detriment 

of their country, 

6. Poland is beset by the confusion of ideas and 
the degeneration of popular morale, caused by 
decades of political tyranny and made acute by five 
years of war. For over 100 years all sections of 
Poland have been ruled by despotisms of varying 
severity, and the people at large have been accus- 
tomed to identify the Government not with the 
manifestation of majority opinion, but with personal 
rule by ukase and decree. The Jews suffer from the 
fact that the Polish Government substituting popu- 
lar government for despotic rule, lacks the will or 
the power to protect them, and have been ready to 
invoke external aid in order to exact from the 
Polish authorities protection of themselves not as a 
minority, but because of their racial allegiance. 
Some representatives of the Jewish national move- 
ment who have been conspicuously active refuse to 
subordinate the Jewish question to the general 
needs of the Polish State. The fault in this regard 
does not lie entirely on the Jewish side, since the 
question once raised was eagerly picked up by the 
National Democratic Party. The voluntary separa- 
tion of the Jew from purely Polish interests has led, 
in localities where other problems of nationality 
exist, to arbitrary identification of the Jews wit'.. 
anti-Polish elements. So long as nationality is an 
issue, the Jew who does not declare himself Polish 
is regarded as the ally of any visible alien factor. 
On the other hand, in view of the uncertainty of the 
final disposition of White Russia, Lithuania, and 
Galicia, the difficulties besetting the Jews in these 
regions have been undeniably very great. Yet, 
since the Jews are enjoying the protection of the 
growing Polish State, the Poles claim that they owe 
active personal support to the Government that in- 
sures them liberty and commercial opportunity. 
The numerical inferiority of the Jews in what is un- 
deniably Poland has at the same time proved no 
check to their political assertiveness. The oppor- 
tunity to profit by an occasional balance of power 
claimed to excuse the maintenance of a Jewish na- 
tional party does not appear to justify perpetuating 
so great an irritation and such a separation of the 
Jews from the customary divisions of modern 

We may here refer with propriety to the 
report of the inter-allied commission on Po- 
land, of which Prof. R'. H. Lord and Gen. 
Kernan were the American members, and to 
whose statements on the Polish problem it is 
desired to invite special attention. The ac- 
count of the Jewish parties supplied by the 
Italian member of that commission has been 
found very helpful and substantially accur- 
ate. He invited the most important parties 
to submit any extensions or corrections which 
they desired to make, but no further informa- 
tion was supplied. As hereafter appears, 
most of the questions raised and of the sug- 
gestions made in the report on Poland have 

been met, in our judgment, by tne free ac- 
ceptance of the minorities treaty by the Po- 
lish Government and people. 

\\'e have, however, found some evidence of a 
disposition both in Poland and abroad to keep alive 
the controversy on the possible theory that focusing 
attention upon Poland will promote better treat- 
ment of the Jew. We feel that this doctrine, of con- 
troversialism is founded on extremely dubious 
grounds, and that there should be no Jewish prob- 
lem, aside from the general responsibility to the 
fundamental provisions which the Poles have agreed 
shall become part of their policy toward minorities. 
The ideal should be to have one and only one class 
of citizens politically with complete freedom in re- 
ligious matters. 

7. The question of popular education presents 
some possible difficulty. From American experi- 
ence it is concluded that the public school, with 
universal instruction in the national vernacular, is 
one of the strongest forces toward the creation of 
a homogeneous body of citizens, speaking one lan- 
guage and expressing themselves on the basis of a 
common cotnplex of social and political notions 
however much they differ on religious and cultural 
questions. In order that the Jew may fully enjoy 
his privileges and faithfull)" fulfill his obligations as 
a citizen, he must understand them in the same 
sense as his Polish neighbor. It is by means of 
public schools that Poland will lose its approximate 
85 per cent of illiterates, and teach its people, not 
only common school subjects, but also the great 
principles of liberty and the rights of man, and by 
raising the level of popular knowledge arrive at a 
point where it can draw its State officials from the 
people at large, who will, by association in their 
school years, have acquired a common understand- 
ing impervious to propaganda or prejudice. While, 
therefore, the adoption of the treaty was essential 
to the integrity of Poland, it will in carrying out 
the educational paragraphs be well for Poles and 
Jews to keep in mind American experience in public 
school development, and carefully to weigh the 
question, whether the permanency of the separate 
school plan will be advisable. 

8. As to specific cases of violence leading to loss 
of life we invite attention to article 6 of Mr. Mor- 
genthau's report, where the main facts are stated. 
Some additional considerations must be further 
recorded and especially that the excesses mostly 
took place either when the Republic was in process 
of organization or under the stress of military oper- 
ations. For example, the outbreak in Kielce oc- 
curred on the day of the armistice, November 11, 
1918. A Jewish meeting called in support of Jewish 
nationalism, which was easily rumored to be in op- 
position to Polish national independence, was 
broken up with fatal results to four people and in- 
jury to many others just after the city had been 
evacuated by the Austrian troops and before the 
Polish authorities existed to organize a service of 
security. At Lemberg, while the outbreaks occurred 
a little later, November 21-23, 1918, it was at the 


end of hostilities between the Polish and Ukrainian 
elements of the population. 

The Pinsk outrage, April 5, 1919, was 30 
days after the capture of the town from the 
Bolsheviks by the Poles, but was a purely 
military affair. The town commander with 
judgment unbalanced by fear of a bolshevik 
uprising of which he had been forewarned by 
two Jewish soldier informers sought to ter- 
rorize the Jewish population (about 75 per 
cent of the whole) by the execution of 35 
Jewish citizens without investigation or trial, 
by imprisoning and beating others and by 
wholesale threats against all Jews. No share 
in this action can be attributed to any military 
official higher up, to any of the Polish civil 
officials, or to the few Poles resident in that 
district of White Russia. 

The Czestochowa riots on May 27, 1919, while 
based on the supposed shooting of a Polish soldier 
by a Jew, was not connected with a military opera- 
tion and occurred after both military and civil gov- ■ 
ernment had been established. Only after five 
deaths was the outbreak arrested. These five deaths 
are the only fatalities from mob violence in Con- 
gress Poland discovered or reported to us since the 
establishment of a stable government in the Re- 

The military operations of the Polish Army in 
the taking of Lida (April 17, 1919), of Wilna (April 
21, 1919), and of Minsk (August 8, 1919) in consid- 
eration of the facts of its organization, that it was 
still poorly organized, unequipped, underofficered 
and undisciplined would not have been so noticeably 
irregular even though civilian deaths were consid- 
erable and robberies large, except for the fact that 
those killed and robbed were practically all Jews 
Nor is it explained by the fact that most of the 
shops in those cities were Jewish. The fact that 
there were some non-Jewish establishments and 
that none of them were disturbed shows an intelli- 
gent and intentional discrimination on the part of 
the lawless element in the army disclosing a racial 
antipathy made more patent by the desire to rob and 
pillage, which was apparently felt not to be wrong 
or at least not to be severely punished by superiors. 
In Wilna there was active street fighting for three 
days, and while the army lost 33 the civilian loss 
was 65. But the civilians were all Jews, and many 
others were thereafter deported and subject to hard- 
ships which it is hard to justify by military practice. 
In support of the conviction that there had been 
active sympathy with the Bolsheviks by Jews and 
sniping by them during the street fighting we had 
many statements of eye witnesses presented to us. 
There can be no doubt that in a highly charged at- 
mosphere there was quite enough fault on both sides 
to explain the adherence to the every-day practices 
of Russian civil warfare as it is reported to us in this 
almost civil strife on Russian territory No one 
would attempt to justify it. Gen. Jadwin was pres- 
ent at the taking of Minsk and a personal witness 

to the strenuous efforts of the military authorities 
toward preventing acts of violence. The results 
showed definite progress among the military in the 
discipline of the army in the conception of their 
duty toward the civilian population and in their 
ability to carry it out. Proportionately to the popu- 
lation only about 20 per cent as many were killed 
as at Wilna. A large percentage of those were in 
the suburbs and out of reach of the military patrols 
in the city. Part of those in the town were the re- 
sult, according to bystanders' statements, of shots 
directed at the entering troops coming from a cer- 
tain meeting house in which Jews had congregated, 
and five of them were killed. Reported bolshevik 
activity and sniping with the desire to rob explain 
most of the cases except the reprehensible unbal- 
anced conduct of one petty officer who killed nine. 
Many of the offenders were arrested and six of them 
were sentenced to be shot. 

Following the Minsk experience, improvement 
was made in the technique of handling patrols so 
that further reports from Rowno and Bobruisk, sub- 
sequently captured by the Poles, indicate more suc- 
cessful precautions aga>inst maltreatment of the 
Jewish population. 

In practically all of these cases inquiries 
have been regularly undertaken by the mili- 
tary authorities, by the civil Government of 
Poland, and in several by direct Diet com- 
mittees. The local civil authorities have also 
followed the usual processes of criminal in- 
quiry, and the cases are in various stages of 
development. In several the inquiry has been 
followed by the appropriation of damages to 
those who have suffered loss. 

Payments had begun to be made in Wilna, 
Pinsk, and "Lemberg before our departure 
from Poland. If complaints as to slowness 
and uncertainty of military and Government 
punishment and relief were heard, as they 
were, it seemed nevertheless to indicate that 
orderly process of government was in opera- 
tion. With a state of war in the land and the 
many vexing problems incident to Poland's 
situation, we could not find substantial 
ground of criticism of the methods of pre- 
vention and relief for an altogether unhappy 
situation. Patience and forbearance must be 
administered to all sides of the question, with 
honest effort to recover their war-torn coun- 
try as soon as possible. It will be a difficult 
matter to reassure the citizens of Poland that 
the outside world will be as prompt and effi- 
cient in doing its duty — to make the world 
safe for Poland and all other struggling 

9. We are of the opinion, in view of the previous 
training of the Polish soldiery in the German, Aus- 
trian, and Russian Armies, the eastern low valua- 
tion of human life, the want of food and clothing 
which had accompanied the breaking up of the Cen- 
tra! Powers, and the universal tenseness of popular 


nerves worn by the vicissitudes of war, that the 
antagonism felt by the Polish military toward the 
Jews and resulting in depredation and violence 
against them is not a matter of surprise, reprehen- 
sible and regrettable as it is. The habits of mili- 
tary warfare still obtaining in the civil war in Rus- 
sia, and these military excesses in Poland, aggra- 
vated as they were by civilian mobs, thoroughly 
justified the fear and anxiety expressed by many 
Jews lest the Poles had adopted Czarist and bol- 
shevik precedents of solving any question, including 
that of Jewish prejudice, by a process of terror and 
extermination. It is to the credit of the Polish State 
that it has apparently passed through this crisis 
of organization, though still under the baneful in- 
fluence of active warfare, without realizing this sin- 
ister expectation. We were assured by many repre- 
sentative Jewish delegations that while they were 
disturbed by the anti-Jewish feeling still incon- 
veniently and unjustly exhibited, they did not fear 
for their lives or liberty; that they recognize their 
full duty as Polish citizens with all the responsi- 
bilities and privileges that pertain thereto; that all 
citizens are subject to the rule of the majority in 
which any miiiority must acquiesce, and that the 
only remedy beyond this is the appeal to the con- 
science of the majority and its sense of justice and 
fair play. This uniting in the making, ratification, 
and execution of this treaty, with its appeal to the 
League of Nations, is a credit to Jew and non-Jew 
alike, and barring the accident of an outside con- 
flagration, is the best of auguries for Poland's future 

10. While it is our opinion that a return to nor- 
mal conditions in Poland will remove most of the 
danger of the Jewish question, it is recognized that 
this process of restoration is not solely dependent 
on the good will and exertions jof the Poles them- 
selves. The attention of Poland must be diverted 
from waging war, and the only means toward this 
end is the re-establishment of internal peace in Rus- 
sia. Until this result is obtained, Poland remains 
with boundaries undetermined, forced to hold and 
administer a large territory, the inhabitants of which 
as yet have no fixed nationality. As long as Poland 
wages war, the Republic is a prey to militaristic 
methods and open to the peril of direct action. Un- 
til its army is reduced to a peace footing the problem 
of overpopulation and underemployment can not be 
solved. While a third of the meager income of the 
State is expended for military purposes, adequate 
attention can not be devoted to internal reconstruc- 
tion. Until Russia is at peace Poland lacks her full 
field for trade and exchange, and therefore can not 
regain her economic equilibrium, while an oppor- 
tunity for emigration to an open and liberal Russia 
would provide an outlet for the surplus population 
of the Republic. With a stable government in Rus- 
sia firmly allied in principle with the allied and asso- 
ciated powers, an end would be made to the German 
intrigue that is seeking to substitute Russia for 
Austria-Hungary as a field of exploitation and ac- 
cordingly strives to discredit Poland as a dangerous 
competitor. In fact, protection afforded mrnorities 

such as before- us in this investigation may well 
bring the Russian condition where this problem is 
the protection of the majority against a minority 
based on a difference of social philosophy and wield- 
ing power by seizure of the instruments of war and 
by the use of most elementary forms of force and 
fear. Is not the duty of the nations as clear to 
determine the rule of the majority against des- 
potism, whether one or many, thus preserving do- 
mestic tranquillity as well as freedom from foreign 
invasion? Is not the effect of domestic disorder in 
Russia upon Poland and upon the peace of the world 
quite as important a subject for regulation by the 
nations as in the limitation upon the majority's 
treatment of minorities? Is not the solidarity of 
nations shown quite as much by one as the other, 
and are they not both requisite for future peace? 
The foundation of an enduring government in Rus- 
sia depends on the certainty that no minority, 
whether autocratic or bolshevistic, shall ever be 
able to exploit the inertia of the masses in over- 
throwing any system of democracy that may be es- 
tablished within its boundaries. It is to the interest 
of the world that this internal security shall be per- 
petuated, and the rise of a powerful democracy on 
the eastern frontier of Poland will insure the safety 
and freedom of action of the Republic. 

In short, once the military threat against 
Poland is removed and the territorial uncer- 
tainty of the RepubHc is ended, the nation 
will be able to concentrate its energies on in- 
ternal problems and, by the course of natural 
development, create a governmental system 
insuring equality, protection, and prosperity 
to all elements of its population. The mis- 
sion thoroughly believes that Poland has the 
raw materials of citizenship quite equal to 
this accomplishment. 

11. By way of summary, we find that beginning 
with the armistice, about November 11, 1918, and 
for six months and more during the establishment of 
orderly government in Poland, many regrettable 
incidents took place throughout both Congress Po- 
land and the regions the future of which is still in 
doubt. The occurrences in Congress Poland were 
not so serious in number of deaths, but there have 
been violent collisions accompanied by riots, beat- 
ings, and other assaults which are apparently trace- 
able in large part to anti-Jewish prejudice. In every 
case they have been repressed by either the military 
or the civil authorities, but only after grievous re- 
sults. In the territory occupied or invaded by Po- 
lish trooops, civilian mobs have followed the sol- 
diery, and the two elements have engaged in rob- 
bery of shops and dwellings, and, in cases where re- 
sistance was oflfered, in assaulting and killing the 
owners or occupants. The circumstances of some 
of these incidents have been aggravated ty intoxica- 
tion due to the looting of liquor stores, with the 
usual adjuncts of criminal irresponsibility and mob 
rage. We believe that none of these excesses were 
instigated or approved by any responsible govern- 
mental authority, civil or military. We find, on the 
other hand, that the history and the attitude of the 


Jews, complicated by abnormal economic and poli- 
tical conditions produced by the war, have fed the 
flame of anti-Semitism at a critical moment. It is 
believed, however, that the gradual amelioration of 
conditions during the last 11 months gives great 
promise for the future of the Polish Republic as a 
stable democracy. 

12. In spite of the existing anti-Semitism arising 
from very diverse factors we are convinced that re- 
ligious differences as such play therein a relatively 
slight role, and that the Polish nation is disposed 
to religious tolerance and self-control in religious 
disagreements. The ending of the war, the removal 
of external menace, and the revival of industry will 
reduce the present common irritation caused by 
abnormal conditions. 

Jewish business men have also assured us that 
with the restoration of trade, industry, and banking, 
the Poles will cease to employ economic pressure 
as a political weapon. 

13. In addition to the disposition toward tolerance 
evinced in the presence of violent party controversy 
and active propaganda from abroad, Poland has 
accepted the minorities clause of the treaty of Ver- 
sailles,, guaranteeing to all citizens security of life 
and property and equal protection of the laws. De- 
spite dissatisfaction with some stipulations of this 
treaty, a determination has been expressed by prom- 
inent leaders of even the extremes in all political 
camps to execute it faithfully. 

14. The duties of the outside world toward Po- 
land are : 

(o) To establish the territorial extent of the 
Polish State. Should any of the eastern coun- 
try which contains the largest proportion of 
Jews, revert to Russia, the problem thus 
transferred can be dealt with by the League 
of Nations. 

(b) To protect Poland from the menace of 
external interference by the application of 
article 10 of the covenant of the League of 

(c) To further by means of judiciously ad- 
ministered external help the recovery of Po- 
land from five years of war. This material 
aid, in the nature of food, clothing, and raw 
materials, should not be gratuitously fur- 
nished or so distributed as to overtax the na- 
tional credit or to pauperize the population. 
In accordance with President Wilson's speech 
of January 8, 1918, Poland should be freed 
from the limitation of all economic barriers 
and raised to a position where it can profit by 
the quality of trade conditions to be estab- 
lished among nations. Since no country can 
be a good financial risk without domestic 
tranquillity and freedom from invasion, the 
fear of which may lead to over expenditure 
and competitive armament, this security 
should be provided for the good of Poland 
and the peace of the world. While we are 
convinced that Poland will abide by its obli- 
gations to preserve order at home, the pro- 

'See footnote No. 5 after Morgenthau Report. 

tection against external interference is the 
duty of the League of Nations. With politi- 
cal security, industrial peace, and an open 
market with no foreig'n debt not offset by for- 
eign receivables, Poland, safeguarded by the 
League of Nations and abundantly provided 
as she is with natural assets in property and 
man power, becomes an excellent commercial 
risk for foreign capitaK 

(d) To study the question of over population or 
under industrialization, not at all local to Poland but 
intimately connected with its future. It is not 
healthy for Poland to pursue a policy of summer 
emigration to other countries, nor is it desirable that 
it should continue a heavy emigration to America 
and elsewhere. It is a process from which the 
nation is still suffering, since it tends to take the 
strong and leave the less reliant. Furhermore, 
with the present development of the world, and the 
beginning of new thoughts in the development of 
nationalism, if emigration from Poland is to be 
necessary, the question as to whither and under 
what conditions it shall be directed becomes pe- 
culiarly subject to international solution. 

If Poland by her own initiative, or through out- 
side aid, can so speed up and direct her own indus- 
trial policy as to absorb the potential labor supply, 
the Republic may solve the question under new con- 
ditions of political and economic freedom. 

(e) To further the rapid development of Polish 
education. The safety of the masses from exploita- 
tion through the sophistries of monarchism or of 
anarchism depends on the degree of enlightenment 
they possess. It is therefore to the advantage of 
the League of Nations to see instituted a campaign 
of universal education toward a general understand- 
ing of the great ideals of democracy and for the pro- 
tection of peoples against the agitator or the reac- 
tionary who deals in slogans that appeal to any 
populace untrained to estimate them at their proper 

(/) To guarantee to Poland the disinterested coun- 
sel of the allied democracies based on their previous 
experience. Together with the other free peoples 
of the world, Poland must henceforth grapple, not 
only with abuses of the outworn autocratic system, 
but with political corruption, graft, party degen- 
eracy, and yellow journalism joined with paid prop- 
aganda. 'The opportunity of the League of Nations 
for the comparative study of democratic methods 
and policies, reinforced by common aims, by the 
full development of international feeling and the 
free exchange of free ideas, will react not only 
upon Poland, but to the general advantage of the 
entire world. The greatest need at this crisis is the 
domestic and international application of general 
principles of democratic government tested by use 
and beaten out on the anvil of experience. Its high- 
est and broadest attribute is that force shall give 
way to thought — the rule of reason rather than the 
reign of terror. Respectfully submitted. 

Brigadier General, United States Army. 



The Jc-n.'isli situation is rendered more difficult by 
the efforts of certain malicious German influences to 
further their eastern projects by discrediting Poland 
financially and otherwise. It is not to the interest of 
the German State to alloiv Poland to become a power- 
ful and prosperous competitor, since Poland is more 
favorably situated to act as a center of exchange be- 
tween Russia and the west. There are also conserva- 
tive elements among Russian statesmen, who are equal- 
iv anxious to prevent foreign financial aid to Poland 
and are using criticism of the Polish States as a weapon 
to forestall the assistance of the allied and associated 
potvers. If Poland is to become a firmly established 
State, the needs of the Republic must be considered 
from the angle of Polish national aspirations and 
rights, and not simply on the ba^is of the purposes of 
its temporarily paralyzed neighbors to the east and 

In common with all free Governments of the world, 
Poland is faced with the danger of the political and 
international propaganda to which the war has given 
rise. The coloring, the suppression, and the invention 
of news, the subornation of newspapers by many dif- 
ferent methods, and the poisoning by secret influences 
of the instruments affecting public opinion, in short, 
all the methods of malevolent propaganda are a men- 
ace from which Poland is a notable sufferer. This 
applies to propaganda both at home and from abroad. 

— From the Report of General Jadwin 
■and H. H. Johnson. 


The Reports 

of the 



Sir H, Rumbold, British Minister to Poland, in Submitting 
the Report of the British Mission to His Government. 

Sir H. Rumbold to Earl Curzon 

Warsaw, June 2, 1920. 

My Lord, 

I HAVE the honour to transmit to your Lordship herewith Sir Stuart Samuel's report on his mis- 
. sion to Poland to investigate the massacres and general ill-treatment of Jews in this country. Captain 
Wright, who was also a member of Sir Stuart Samuel's mission, has submitted a separate report, which I 
have likewise the honour to enclose. 

When the Germans evacuated Poland in 1918 a civil and military administration had to be set up by 
the Poles. It is obvious that this administration could not be anything but defective at first. The execu- 
tive was weak and orders issued by the central authorities were frequently not carried but in the provinces. 
This absence of authority after four years' of German occupation and iron rule accounts, perhaps, to a cer- 
tain degree for the occurrence of excesses against the Jews. 

It is also necessary to remember that the discipline of the Polish army was very different from the dis- 
cipline of armies before the war. The excesses against the Jews were described as pogroms in the press 
of Western Europe, but it can be here remarked that the word "pogrom" is used in a different sense in 
Poland from that which it is understood to convey in Western Europe. The word "pogrom" conveys to 
the inhabitant of Western Europe massacres or excesses against a portion of the population which are either 
organized or countenanced by the authorities. In Poland the word is applied to disturbances in which lives 
need not necessarily be lost. 

The excesses against the Jews ccin be divided from a geographical point of view into two categories : 
those which were perpetrated in Poland proper, in the course of which eighteen Jews lost their lives, and 
those which took place in the war zones which, in November, 1918, included Lemberg, and where the ma- 
jority of the murders occurred. Sir Stuart Samuel estimates the total number of lives lost at not less than 
348, so that 330 Jews were killed in the wai- zone. 


The character of the excesses differs considerably. In some cases, as at Lemberg, the Polish mob. 
worked up by the fighting which took place for the possession of the town, of set purpose attacked many 
Jews, killing fifty-two, wounding many more and doing much damage to Jewish property. Excesses against 
the Jews on a larger scale also occurred in the following places : at Kielce, Pinsk, Lida, Vilna, Kolbuszowa, 
in Galicia, Czenstochowa and Minsk. 

In other cases there was a sporadic outbreak causing the death of one or two Jews. In many instances 
the excesses took the form of more or less serious assaults on the Jews, such as cutting off beards, throw- 
ing out of trains, etc. But in view of the weakness of the central administration and the original want of 
discipline in the Polish army, it would appear that the authorities could not be held responsible for the 
excesses, and these therefore lose the character of pogroms. If the excesses had been encouraged or organ- 
ized by the civil and military authorities the number of victims would probably have been much larger. The 
excesses are deplorable in themselves, and it is a matter for regret that the authors have not, so far as is 
known to the Legation, been brought to book. 

In criticizing the general condition of the Jews in Poland, it is necessary to bear in mind that their 
position in this country and the whole of Eastern Europe differs very much from that of their position in 
Western Europe. In the East they form a larger percentage of the population, and in many cases they form 
a preponderating element in the towns, so that it is only natural that separatism should have manifested 
itself. This was strengthened by the fact that the occupations of the Poles differed from those of the Jews. 
The Poles were either engaged in war or settled on the land, whilst the Jewish communities devoted 
themselves exclusively to commerce. To this must be added the difference of religion and the encourage- 
ment of an anti-Semitic feeling, owing to the introduction by the Russians of special anti-Jewish legislation. 

It must be further remembered that, under the influence of economic changes and owing to the fact that 
since 1832 the Poles have not been allowed to hold posts in the Government, they were gradually obliged to 
take to trade, and competition between the Jewish population and the Poles commenced. This competition 
became stronger when the Russian Government allowed co-operative and agricultural societies to be started 
in Poland. The co-operative movement is becoming very strong and will undoubtedly form an important 
factor in the development of economic relations in Poland, so that indirectly it will be bound to affect the 
position of the small Jewish trader. * 

Sir Stuart Samuel would appear to be mistaken in his appreciation of the part played by the 
Jews in the pre-war business relations between Poland and Russia and in the industry of the former 
country. Whereas it is true that goods exported from Poland were to a large extent handled by 
the Jews, only a small percentage of those goods were actually manufactured by them. The cotton 
industry in Lodz owes its development more to the Polish industrial community of German extrac- 
tion than to the Jews. 

The statement that initiative in business matters was almost entirely a prerogative of the Jews is 
exaggerated. A case in point are the co-operaitives, which are exclusively Polish. 

The fact of Yiddish being akin to German may have been the reason why the Germans employed 
a large number of Jews during their occupation of Poland, although a great many of the Poles with 
a good knowledge of German could have been found. There is this difference, however, that the 

; Poles only served the Germans by compulsion, as they considered them to be their enemies. This 

difference may account for the policy of the Polish Government in relieving many Jews who served 
Germany of their offices, and not reinstating them whereas no such procedure was applied in the case 
of the Poles. In this respect, it is perhaps interesting to point out that quite a number of Poles 
belonging to the so-called "Activists," whose sympathies were pro-German, have not yet obtained 

• any posts under the present Polish Government. 

The systematic attempt — more especially by provincial authorities — to oust the Jews from their 
trade to which Sir Stuart Samuel draws attention is probably due, not so much to the action of these 
authorities, as to the exceptional development of the co-operative movement in Poland. 

In so far as the Polish Government are able to do so by legislation or proclamations, the boy- 
cotting of Jews should be prohibited. But I would point out that it is beyond the power of any Gov- 
ernment to force its subjects to deal with persons with whom they do not wish to deal. The boycott 
; on various occasions by the Chinese of Japanese merchants is an instance in point. 

At the end of his report Sir Stuart Samuel makes various recommendations with a view to improve re- 


lations between the Poles and the Jews, and I venture to make the following observations with regard to 
these recommendations : — 

1. The interpretation of the minority clause, article 93 of the Peace Treaty, by Sir Stuart Samuel is 
justifiable, and should prove workable if the spirit in which the Jewish community expect the Polish Gov- 
ernment to interpret the clause in question is also adopted by the Jewish community with regard to the 
Polish State. 

Recommendations Nos. 2 to 6 are certainly very appropriate. 

As regards No. 9, Sir Stuart Samuel's recommendation is to be strongly supported. I doubt, however, 
whether the import of large quantities of raw materials into Poland will improve the situation of the Jewish 
population and turn it into producers, as the number of Jewish workmen before the war, when there was 
no scarcity of raw materials, was very limited. 

As regards No. 11, I would point out that there exists a national loan bank which at the present moment 
is playing the part of a State bank, and that there is no differentiation between the Poles and the Jews 
regarding the business which can be transacted by that bank. 

Polish legislation, which is practically the old Russian legislation, makes no difficulties with regard to the 
founding of banks by Jews, so that the latter are able, if they need it, to start banks in which they can have 

With regard to the final recommendation pointing out the desirability of attaching a secretary who 
understands and speaks Yiddish to the staflf of His Majesty's Legation, I venture to observe that his 
duties would presumably mainly consist in seeing that article 93 of the Peace Treaty is applied. As the 
minority clause was guaranteed by the League of Nations, it would appear desirable, if the Polish Govern- 
ment cannot be trusted with the application and carrying out of that article, that the League should super- 
vise the execution of that clause, and I would deprecate His Majesty's Government being alone identified 
with this question, which would be indirectly the case if the appointment suggested by Sir Stuart Samuel 
were made. 

The two reports which I transmit herewith are, by the instructions given to the Commission, limited 
to Poland, and therefore do not discuss the conditions, of the Jews outside that country. They therefore 
unavoidably give a partial and consequently false picture of the conditions of the Jews in Eastern Europe, 
for, as one of the reports points out, their condition in Poland, bad as it may have been or may still be, has 
been far better than in most of the surrounding countries. Unless all the information on that point is en- 
tirely inaccurate, the massacres of Jews by Ukrainian peasant bands can find, in their extent and through- 
ness, no parallel except in the massacres of the Armenians in the Turkish Empire. Their very complete- 
ness has tended to keep the world in ignorance of them, for towns of many thousand inhabitants almost 
wholly Jewish have apparently been wiped out. Similar events have taken place outside the Ukraine proper 
and all over Southern Russia during the anarchy of the last three years, and in countries on a higher level of 
culture than Southern Russia, such as Hungary and Czecho-Slovakia, persecutions, less sanguinary per- 
haps, but very brutal and unjust, have also occurred in the interregnum which followed the armistice. 
(These excesses can compete with any that have occurred on Polish territory.) 

In all these lands Jews formerly suffered, but like everybody else they suffered from the oppression of 
autocratic empires, all of which have now been destroyed. The present-day hardships of the Jews are as 
much as anything due to the strong nationalist feelings everywhere aroused by the Great War, and this 
perhaps inevitable conflict with national prejudice may prove even worse than the former oppression by 
absolute Governments. 

The statesmen who drew up the Treaty of Versailles, recognizing the above fact, have imposed spe- 
cial stipulations with a view to protect Jews and other minorities. They have done their best to assist the 
Jews, but the Jewish congregations in Western Europe should also recognize this aggravation in the state 
of their Eastern co-religionists, and reflect how best they can help them. 

It is giving the Jews very little real assistance to single' out, as is sometimes done, for reprobation and 
protest, the country where they have perhaps suffered least. I have, &c. 


The Samuel Report 


(Report of Sir Stuart Samuel) 

I WAS entrusted by His Majesty's Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs with a mission to Poland 
on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the primary 
object of which was to examine the specific charges 
that have been brought against the Poles of having 
ill-treated the Jewish population of their country, 
including any fresh cases of ill-treatment that might 
be brought to my notice whilst my mission lasted. 
I was, in particular, instructed to use my best en- 
deavours to ascertain in each case where massacres 
or outrages of Jews had taken place, where and to 
what extent the different grades of Polish authorities 
were to blame either for encouraging or culpably 
failing to prevent them, or whether they had, taken 
all steps in their power to suppress outbreaks and 
punish the offenders. The aim of my mission was to 
dissipate any misunderstandings that might have 
arisen and thus to promote mutual goodwill between 
Poland and Great Britain. I was, therefore, in- 
structed to make such recommendations to His 
Majesty's Government as might occur to me with 
the object of establishing greater harmony between 
Jewish and other elements of the population as a 
satisfactory solution of that problem would obvi- 
ously go far to promote the national prosperity. The 
mission left London early in September and re- 
mained in Poland about three months. I took ex- 
cesses against the Jewish population which occurred 
in Cracow, Lodz, Vilna, Lida, Pinsk and Lemberg as 
typical, and visited those places from Warsaw. 
Travelling conditions in Poland at the period of the 
visits 'of the mission presented such difficulty, ow- 
ing to heavy falls of snow and to the fact that a large 
number of passenger trains had ceased running in 
consequence of their accommodation being required 
for the transport of food, that the mission was un-' 
able to visit further towns. 

My instructions directed my particular attention 
to the necessity of enquiring into the statements re- 
specting occurrences of excesses or "pogroms" in Po- 
land. In Poland a "pogrom" is understood to be an 
excess against a certain section of the population, 
but in England, owing to the experience of previous 
outbreaks in Russia, the word "pogrom" has be- 
come associated with excesses organized by the 
Government against a portion of the population, or 
when the authorities took no steps to restrain those 
perpetrating the excesses, or intervened at a period 
too late to be effective in preventing the loss of 
human life. The result of my enqiiiries brought me 
to the conclusion that the occurrences at Lemberg, 

Lida and Vilna come under the head of pogroms in 
the sense generally understood in England. The 
awful massacre at Pinsk partook more of the char- 
acter of a military murder. During the outbreaks 
which took place in the two other towns a certain 
number of Jews were assaulted and plundered, but 
the military authorities endeavoured to restrict the 
action of the soldiers as much as possible. Speaking 
generally, as the civil authority has been able to 
make its power effective, so the position in the rear 
of the troops has become more and more satis- 

The Polish Government has been confronted with 
the problem of maintaining order in those portions 
of the German, Russian and Austrian Empires which 
have been incorporated within the present Republic 
of Poland. The establishment of order was en- 
trusted to a semi-military force known -as the field 
gendarmerie, corresponding somewhat to a military 
police force. This body was recruited from a not 
very desirable class, and is practically independent 
of any but the highest civil authority. The gen- 
darmerie has almost unlimited powers, and is in the 
habit of entering the houses, chiefly of the Jews, at 
any time of the day or night upon the pretext of 
searching for arms, and robs and beats the Jews. 
This is done quite openly, and the Jews may be said 
to have no means of redress. Proceedings, when 
taken, are allowed to drift for an interminable period, 
and usually result in the implicated men being re- 
leased. There is thus really no security for the 
Jewish population. Besides the gendarmerie, there is 
a police force, but the remarks applied to the former 
can be taken as on the whole true with regard to 
the latter also. The Polish Government recognises 
the inadequacy of this body, and, I understand, is 
taking steps to reorganise it. 

In addition, the junior authorities of justice and 
of civil administration also are of inferior standing 
and morale, taking advantage of their position not 
only to persecute the Jews, but also to exact bribes 
upon an astonishing scale. 

The foregoing remarks apply in a less degree to 
Galicia, which has been brought under the adminis- 
tration of the Polish Government during the past 
}-ear. j\Iany former Austrian officials have been re- 
tained, who, having been trained under the Austrian 
Empire, maintain certain traditions which make for 
a better condition of law and order. These remarks 
equally apply to the districts of German Poland, but 
in the remaining portion of Poland the officials being 
new and inexperienced the deplorable result I have 
mentioned has ensued. The higher officials both of 
the Government and of Justice, in my opinion, are 
not subject to these unfortunate failings, and when- 


ever it is possible to obtain the attention of thefse 
authorities a rough form of justice is achieved. 

The contention of the Polish Government, that it 
was not strong enough to keep pogroms under con- 
trol in the past, may perhaps have some cogency, 
but I should like to draw attention to the fact that, 
with the exception of events at Minsk, no pogroms 
have occurred during the stay of either the Ameri- 
can Mission or the British Mission to Poland. It 
would, therefore, appear reasonable to deduce that if 
the Government is sufficiently strong to restrain 
wrongdoers for this period, namely, about five 
months, it should be competent to do so in future. 

1 h? Jews in Poland and Galicia number about 
\;hre? millions. As in other countries the large ma- 
jority of them is very poor, suffering severely from 
nunger and privation. Want of employment is 
prevalent, although a large proportion of them are 
artisans and labourers. They are divided broadly 
into three classes, namely : — 

1. What are known as the Assimilators ; 

2. The Zionists ; and 

3. The Orthodox; 

though doubtless there are many Orthodox among 
the Zionists. They speak a jargon known as 
"Yiddish," which is to be found wherever Jews 
congregate, but of recent years there is a tendency 
to employ Hebrew as a living language, though it is 
seldom used as the colloquial language of the home 
circle. The fact of their language being akin to Ger- 
man often led to their being employed during the 
German occupation in preference to other Poles. 
This circumstance caused the Jews to be accused 
of having had business relations with the Germans. 
Almost as soon as the Polish Government was es- 
tablished, ill-feeling became manifest against the 
Jews. Public opinion had been aroused against 
them by the institution of a virulent boycott. This 
boycott dates from shortly after the bye-election for 
the Duma, which took place in Warsaw in 1912. 
Amongst the candidates was M. Dmowski, one of 
the leaders of the National Democratic Party. 
When the names of the electors came to be scruti- 
nised, it was found that the Jewish electors pos- 
sessed the controlling influence in the election. They 
considered, however, that the capital of Poland 
should not be represented by a member of a minority 
in the country, and therefore did not present a Jewish 
candidate, but patriotically offered to support any 
candidate who Avould abstain from an anti-Semitic 
policy. The only candidate willing to accede to this 
condition was M. Jagiello, a Roman Catholic Pole, 
who was accordingly returned.^ M. Dmowski, who 
was defeated at the poll, thereupon set out on a 
campaign to break the Jewish influence, and from 
that time to this has pursued a policy with the object 
of driving the Jews from Poland, a step which 
can only be fraught with disaster to the country. 
During the war, owing to the scarcity of almost 
everything, the boycott diminished, but with the 
armistice it revi-\-ed with much of its original in- 
tensity. A charge has been made against the Gov- 

ernment of participation in this boycott. The Gov- 
ernment publicly declared its disapproval of boycot- 
ting, but a certain discrimination seems to have been 
made in the re-employment of those who served under 
the German occupation. I find that many Jews who 
thus served have been relieved of their offices and 
not reinstated, whereas I can find no evidence of 
similar procedure in regard to other Poles. Jewish 
doctors are unable to obtain positions in the hos- 
pitals. Other qualified Jews cannot secure appoint- 
ments as Post Office officials, on the railway staff 
or as teachers in the public schools and colleges, 
with the exception of Professor Askenazy, recently 
appointed to a chair in the University of Warsaw. 
There is also a limitation of the number of students 
professing the Jewish religion permitted to enter 
certain Universities. With the exception of doctors 
and a few officials in the administrative offices, there 
are few officers in the army. That this is merely a. 
matter of religious prejudice is shown by the fact 
that all these posts are open to those Jews who are 
willing to change their religion. 

In time of scarcity essential articles of food, such 
as bread, potatoes and sugar, are distributed to the 
population by minor officials. I received many com- 
plaints that the Christian population were supplied 
first, and that in numerous cases the stock was ex- 
hausted before all the Jews had received their share. 
The complaint that Jews and Christians were divided 
into separate queues, and also that the Jews were dis- 
criminated against to their disadvantage in the mar- 
kets, could not be substantiated. 

Without doubt a systematic attempt, more espe- 
cially by provincial authorities, is being made to 
oust Jews from their trades, and it is only where 
these authorities are as a result confronted by pecu- 
lation and incompetency that they realise the futility 
of their action. The Government itself is not with- 
out some experience of this kind. I had my atten- 
tion drawn to cases of discrimination against Jews 
dealing in hides, petroleum, salt, bread and other 
articles, which, in my opinion, could only have been 
based upon religious prejudice. I do not find, how- 
ever, any ground for the complaint that the Govern- 
ment is putting Jewish merchants at a disadvantage 
in comparison with non-Jews with regard to per- 
mission to import goods from abroad. In fact, the 
club of Jewish merchants at Warsaw, consisting of 
several thousand members, assured me that the ar- 
rangements made were quite satisfactory. I have 
also received facts and figures from M. Szczeniow- 
ski, Minister of Commerce, fully bearing out this 

A severe private, social and commercial boycott 
of Jews, however, exists amongst the people .gen- 
erally, largel}' fostered by the Polish press. In 
Lemberg I found that there was a so-called social 
court presided over by M. Przyluski, a former Aus- 
trian vice-president of the Court of Appeal, which 
goes so far as to summon persons having trade rela- 
tions with Jews to give an explanation of their con- 
duct. Below will be found a copy of a typical cutting 
from a Polish newspaper giving the name of a Polish 
countess who sold property to Jews. This was sur- 


rounded by a mourning border, such as is usual in 
Poland in making announcements of death : — 

"Malopolska hrabina 
"Anna Jablonowska 

"sprzedala we wrzesniu b.r. swoje dwie kamienice 
przy up. Stryjskiej 1. 18 i 20 zydom: Dogilewskiemu, 
Hiibnerowi i Erbsenowi. 

"Zastepa prawnym pani hrabiny byl adwokat Dr. 
Dziedzic, administratorem p. Naszkowski. 

"Czy spoleczenstwo polskie bedzie wciaz martwe 
i bierne w takich wypadkach ?" 


"Countess Anna Jablonowska, resident in Galicia, 
has sold her two houses, Stryjska Street, Nos. 18 
and 20, to the Jews, Dogilewski, Hiibner and 

"The attorney of the Countess was Dr. Dziedzic; 
her administrator, M. Naszkowski. 

"Will the Polish public for ever remain indiflEerent 
and passive in such cases?" 

There can be no doubt that the Government could 
greatly restrain the virulency of this movement if 
the powers usually resident in a Government were 
efectually used to prohibit such agitation. Although 
the Government declares against boycotting, the 
Polish press is allowed openly to advocate it, whilst 
the Yiddish press is suspended for quite trivial 
offences. It is a well-known fact that the ill-results 
of boycotting cannot be limited to the class 
aimed at, for this weapon has a tendency to affect 
others, and eventually to react upon those who make 
use of it. The idea widely prevails that the so- 
called Litvaks, Russian Jews driven to Poland by 
the former Russian Government, should be induced 
to return, and I am of opinion that, should a suitable 
Government and peaceful conditions be re-estab- 
lished in Russia, there would be a general immigra- 
tion to that country, not only of Jews, but also of 
other Poles. The ardent hope was frequently ex- 
pressed to me that Russia would soon be open for 
immigration, for, although the late Russian Govern- 
ment fomented pogroms and massacres of the Jaws, 
the Russian himself is of a kindly nature and friend- 
ly disposed to his neighbour. Business relations be- 
tween Poland and Russia were very considerable in 
past, and were generally in the hands of Jews,^ 
not only in the handling of the goods exported, but 
also of their manufacture. Warsaw, the Polish 
capital, formed a meeting-place for the merchants 
of Russia and the western States, and was also a 
depot for goods eventually destined for Russia. All 
these trading agencies are now at a standstill, and 
Poland is feeling the economic result of this stop- 
page. Other inducements for an industrial popula- 
tion, subjected to a boycott, to leave the country are 
to be found in the absence of raw materials and in 
the scarcity of food and fuel, as well as in the hard- 
ships consequent upon rising prices arising from 
the unfavourable conditions of foreign exchange. 

Initiative in business matters is almost entirely 
the prerogative of the Jewish population. In Lodz 
the cotton industry and the development of the 

town has been effected mostly through the instru- 
mentality of the Jews. Manufactures and business 
generally have, owing to the circumstances prevail- 
ing before and during the war, fallen largely into 
the hands of Jews.^ It is impossible to replace 
such a valuable section of the community by a fresh 
body of merchants untrained and unaccustomed to 
handle the important mercantile interests which 
should, in view of the advantages accruing to Po- 
land under the Peace Treaty, largely increase in the 
near future. 

The fallacious idea, however, is prevalent in Pol- 
and that it is possible to transfer a large percentage 
of the business carried on by the Jews to other hands. 
If a Jewish Pole is driven from his factory or bus- 
iness the act does not provide more work for the 
Christian Pole, but diminishes it. When the ques- 
tion of external trade comes to be considered it is 
impossible to displace without grave results firms 
who have built up a business over a long series of 
years, who are acquainted with, and know the re- 
quirements of, their customers in remote countries 
and have gradually acquired confidence and credit. 
No new combination, whether Jewish or Christian, 
could conduct such a business successfully except 
after long experience. Moreover, I found it to be 
a fact that the Jewish Pole commands greater trust 
than his neighbours. To such an extent is this the 
case in Poland that nearly the whole of the estate 
agents who act for the Polish nobility are, of Jewish 
race. The real interest of the Polish State would 
seem to be rather in the direction of developing and 
encouraging the export business hitherto carried on 
by Jews ; in this way -lies almost the sole hope of 
the economic regeneration of Poland and of the re- 
habilitation of its depreciated currency. In this con- 
nection it should be remembered that depreciation 
of currency as expressed in terms of external values 
does not arise solely from an adverse trade balance, 
but that a normal rate of exchange demonstrates 
also the healthy functioning of stable Government 
and the consequent safety of life and property. 

Polish statesmen frequently assert that the pro- 
portion of Jewish small tradesmen to the general 
population is too great. If the complaint were lim- 
ited to this alone it might safely be left to find its 
own remedy, for I found that the children of this 
class were not satisfied to follow the parents' voca- 
tion but were endeavouring, by means of attending 
technical and other schools, to attain a higher 
educational and social level. This class, however, 
little above the pauper, ever finds itself driven back 
upon itself by the economic restraints which it en- 
counters until at last, in desperation, it is forced to 
emigrate. I found but few families that had not 
one member at least in America or Canada. Ex- 
perience has shown, as in the case of Ireland, that 
it is always a disadvantage to a country to have an 
emigration of despairing people, as these sow the 
seed of their discontent in other lands. A further 
remedy for this congestion of occupation would be 
to introduce into Poland new. industries, for which 
Jews in other countries have evinced special apti- 
tude. The difficulty of securing raw material limits 


the occupations available at the present time, but 
it would appear quite feasible to start factories for 
the manufacture of waterproofing, galoshes, furni- 
ture, boots, and clothing. Doubtless western Jews 
would be prepared to assist their brethren to reach 
a higher plane of industrial development, but un- 
fortunately the Christian Poles, although not under- 
taking such enterprises to any extent themselves, 
exhibited distinct hostility to any such suggestion 
which would benefit both the Jews and the State 
alike. Many Poles, however, enlarge the demand 
for a reduction of the number of small Jewish trades- 
men to one for the reduction of the Jewish popula- 
tion as a whole. This proposition is fraught with a 
danger not confined to the Jews; it is a danger to 
the State. To render the conditions of life so in- 
tolerable to the Jew as to force him to leave his 
native country, has ever been followed by disastrous 
consequences to the country, where this form of 
persecution has been essayed ; whereas in every 
country, where the Jew has been granted an effec- 
tic citizenship, he has proved himself a mainstay 
of law and order. The Jew has usually so much to 
lose through the consequences of disorder that he 
ranges himself instinctively on the side of good 
government. It is for the Poles to choose whether 
they will follow the example of Great Britain, the 
United States of America, France, Holland, Italy 
and the other liberal-minded States which have 
treated the Jew equitably, or link their fate with 
ancient Eg^pt, mediaeval Spain and modern Russia. 
It must further be considered that when the Jew 
is driven out, his capital is driven out with him. In 
fact, in most cases it precedes him, for the poor and 
helpless Jew is not the first to leave in face of eco- 
nomic persecution such as a boycott or the fear 
of personal safety, but rather he who possesses the 
means to seek happier conditions of livelihood else- 
where. Thus, at the very time when it is vital to 
the interest of Poland to import capital, were the 
suggested policy carried into action, it would have 
for its result the export of capital. In addition, 
there is the danger that the better minds amongst 
non-Jews would not be willing to remain in a coun- 
try wherein truth and justice are absent. 

Another policy appears to have as its object the 
identification of Jews as Bolsheviks in order to dis- 
tract public attention from the Government. The 
real danger of Bolshevism, however, is to be sought 
in other directions, although it should not be mat- 
ter for surprise if some of the younger* generation 
of educated Jews, finding all avenues of advance- 
ment and fair play barred, should be found ready 
to listen to proposals for freedom and equality of 
opportunity. It is a fair retort that the Govern- 
ment policy is making potential revolutionaries of 
these peoples. If the Polish Government would 
grant the Jews a genuine, and not a masked, equal- 
ity, they would secure the support of the most 
conservative law-abiding and loyal section of the 
population. All the Jews ask is to be allowed to 
live in peace and safety. By grinding them down 
by economic differentiation a certain number of 
these people may be induced to emigrate, but the 

danger will always remain that a certain residuum 
will be forced into the ranks of the disaffected and 
disloyal. The Jew may be robbed, plundered, have 
his beard cut and be otherwise insulted for a time, 
but who can be surprised if a point be reached 
when men will not tolerate such treatment longer 
and will be prepared to make the utmost sacrifices 
to achieve the honour of their manhood? 

Under this hard and continued pressure many 
Jews have been constrained to change their reli- 
gion, and it is mostly these "Jews" who are meant 
when "Jews" are mentioned as being in Government 

I made careful enquiries in various parts of Po- 
land as to the extent to which Bolshevik principles 
had permeated the Jewish population, and the high- 
est estimate which I encountered was 10 per cent, 
of their number, a considerably less proportion, 
according to my informants, than characterises the 
population as a whole. In investigating the truth 
of the statement that Jews in Poland sympathise 
with Bolshevism, attention must be paid to the 
fact that Jews form the middle class almost in its 
entirety.* Above are the aristocracy and below are 
the peasants. Their relations with the peasants 
are not unsatisfactory. The young peasants can- 
not read the newspapers and are therefore but 
slightly contaminated by anti-Semitism until they 
enter the army. I was informed that it is not at 
all unusual for Polish peasants to avail themselves 
of the arbitrament of the .Jewish rabbi's courts. 
Another point to be borne in mind is that a very 
considerable proportion of the Jews belong to the 
orthodox form of the religion. If I understand 
aright, Bolshevism stands against both religion and 
the bourgeoisie; it must therefore be clear from 
the above statements that by the acceptance of these 
tenets most of the Polish Jews would but compass 
their own destruction. 

In conclusion, I desire to point out that, if the 
social boycott were successful in securing a large 
emigration of Jews, it would result in a very large 
decrease in the productive powers of Poland. As 
the future of the republic depends largely upon its 
exports exceeding its imports the future of the 
State itself might be imperilled. The Polish Gov- 
ernment would be well advised in its own interests 
that to take immediate and active measures to bring 
this unsatisfactory condition of affairs to a speedy 
end would be acting in the best interests of the 
people committed to its charge. 

I now propose to report upon the result of my 
investigations into the excesses perpetrated in the 
towns I visited in the order they occurred. Before 
doing so I would like to remark that as statements 
that the Jews were enemies of the rest of the popu- 
lation, and that all misfortunes were to be ascribed 
to their influence, were constantly circulated, and 
the Jews formed an easy prey for robbery and 
plunder, attacks upon them were to be expected. 
It was, however, the evil example of the military as 
they entered captured towns which as a rule incited 
the civil population to join in the pogroms. If the 
military commanders had but performed their duty 


to humanity and their office, the loss of life would 
have been considerably less. Poland, too, would 
not be burdened with these still unpunished crimes. 

Lcmhcnj. — With regard to the events in Lemberg 
on the 2ist, 22nd and 23rd November, 1918, con- 
sideration has to be given to the very remarkable po- 
sition that was to be found in that city at that 
period, and it is noteworthy upon what a small scale 
were the operations. Previous to the date mentioned 
the Ukrainian army consisted of about 10,000 men 
in occupation of that portion of East Galicia, but 
General Monczynski raised a Polish army, about 
1,500 in number, consisting of men, women, boys, 
some of them criminals, and, after a severe struggle, 
succeeded in capturing half the city, the other half 
of which remained in the occupation of the Ukrain- 
ians. The Jewish part of the population of Lem- 
berg declared itself to be neutral. After street fight- 
ing of a severe character the Polish forces succeeded 
in driving the Ukrainians entirely out of the city. 
This result was achieved through the advent of a 
considerable body of Polish troops brought under 
General Roja from Posen. It has been proved to 
my satisfaction that these troops were promised 
three days free looting of the Jewish quarter, and I 
had it in evidence that Jews were warned by Chris- 
tian friends of the certainty of a pogrom on the 
days mentioned. The Polish soldiers and popula- 
tion were somewhat incensed by the attitude of the 
Jews in not having assisted them in their struggle, 
but nothing can excuse the work of robbery and 
murder which took place on the days mentioned 
(21st, 22nd and 23rd November). 

Helena Schine deposed that a body of soldiers 
came to her house, shot her father, her brother and 
her brother-in-law, and would have shot her, but. 
she gave them 3,000 crowns and they went away. 
The soldiers came again at about 12 o'clock in the 
day and shot her brother, who was still living, 
though previously wounded, dead. They broke 
open the safe and stole the silver plate. Another 
body of soldiers came to the house about 5 o'clock. 
She had by then taken refuge on the third floor with 
a Polish woman, who when the soldiers came the 
third time sent them away. 

Various other witnesses deposed that many build- 
ings were set on fire with petroleum obtained from 
a store ; as the occupants ran out to escape the 
flames, they were shot down in the • street in cold 
blood by Polish soldiers. The synagogue was 
burned, the safe being opened by means of machine- 
gun fire, and the scrolls of the law were burned 
and everything of value removed. The result of 
the three days' looting was that fifty-two Jews were 
killed, 463 wounded, and a large amount of property 

It should be stated that proceedings were taken 
against General Roja, who was in command of 
the Posen troops, but he was declared to be suffer- 
ing from a nervous breakdown. 

The Poles alleged that the Jews, whilst calling 
themselves neutrals, had shown active sympathy 

with the Ukrainians, but the evidence given did not, 
in my opinion, support that contention. 

The charge brought against the Jewish militia — 
a body consisting of 200 men of Jewish race en- 
rolled to defend and keep order in the Jewish quar- 
ter- — of having tired at the Polish troops has been 
recently the subject of proceedings in the Polish 
Courts ; the charge was dismissed. 

In the result none of the military commanders 
responsible for these events has been punished, and 
no compensation has been paid for the damage done. 

Pinsk.—Tht events at Pinsk on the 5th April, 
1919, when thirty-five Jews were shot, took place 
about ten days after the town had been taken from 
the Bolsheviks by the PoHsh army. The Polish 
command had, a day or two before, suffered a re- 
verse at the hands of the Bolsheviks and were in 
a state of nervousness as to an attack on the town. 
It seems that two Polish soldiers, one named Kosak, 
who is now in prison for robbery, and another sol- 
dier, since reported as killed in action, informed the 
military authorities that they had information that 
the Jews intended to hold a Bolshevik meeting on 
Saturday in what is known as the People's House, 
being the headquarters of the Zionists. 

The events that followed appear to be so incred- 
ible that I think it best to give the evidence of the 
witnesses. Abraham Feinstein, president of the 
Zionist Co-opei-ative Society, deposed that about 
the 28th March he received a letter from the Govern- 
ment Organiser of Co-operative Societies, M. Tro'- 
fimowicz (a non-Jew), stating that it was desirable 
that all co-operative societies in the town should 
combine, and giving them up to the 7th April to 
make their decisoin. He enclosed the Government 
permission for the meeting to. take place. Notices 
were posted in the streets and in the large syna- 
gogues. The meeting took place on Saturday, the April, and there were about 150 persons present, 
consisting of men and women. The meeting com- 
menced at 5. M. Eisenberg was in the chair. M. 
Trofimowicz was present at the opening of the 
meeting and explained its purpose and left at 5 :30. 
It was decided unanimously to combine. A discus- 
sion then took place as to how many delegates were 
to be sent to the combination. That matter was 
adjourned, and most of the co-operators went home. 
Mr. Zukerman, an American, had brought 50,000 
marks to be distributed for the holy days. Many of 
those present went into another room to discuss 
this, and how the money was to be distributed. 
Whilst this was going on some boys came in and 
said soldiers were there to take Jews for forced 
labour. They all went into the large hall. Soldiers 
were shouting and others were stealing food from 
the refreshment room. The house consisted of two 
floors — shops on the ground floor and the club on 
the first floor. Feinstein went into a friend's shop 
on the ground floor to take shelter, and later found 
the whole building surrounded by soldiers, including 
Kosak. Kosak stopped people and took bribes from 
them not to take them for forced labour. Feinstein 
then hid in Gottleib's store on the ground floor, but 


was discovered and a soldier was left to guard him. 
He heard a shot upstairs. Gottleib went out to 
get some water, and came back and said a dead man 
was lying in the yard. At 10 an under-officer came 
and said that about fifty arrested people had been 
shot dead and that his turn would come at 5 o'clock 
the next morning. At 1 :30 A. M. an under-officer 
and two soldiers came and sent the guarding soldier 
away. They robbed him and said : "You must go to 
the Kommandatur, and you will be shot, as all the 
meeting were Bolsheviks." One soldier, a Polish 
under-officer, said he could speak Yiddish, and that 
he was in the synagogue and heard the Jews arrange 
to act against the Poles, and that he heard a young 
man say : "We will have a meeting in the People's 
House at 5." Feinstein stated it was untrue, then 
the soldier said he would take 150 roubles to let 
them go, there being six of them in Gottlieb's room, 
and eventually he consented to take 50 roubles. He 
then found two pocket-books and took 500 roubles 
and 600 roubles respectively from them. He then 
said : "You are free." He accompanied Feinstein 
along the street and he arrived home at 4 A. M. 

Saloman Gittelman, a teacher, deposed that he 
was arrested at the People's House at about 5 
o'clock. He was a member of the Co-operative 
Society and attended the meeting. He heard a shot. 
Soldiers then, came in and said, "Why have you shot 
at us?" and ordered all to stand with hands up. 
They were all searched and beaten. No arms were 
found. The soldiers ordered all out, surrounded 
them, and took them to the Kommandatur. They 
were severely beaten on the way. An army doctor 
named Bakraba stopped them on the way and en- 
quired what it all meant, and the soldiers replied 
that the Jews had shot at soldiers. A soldier stepped 
up and said that they had shot at him and wounded 
him in the head. The doctor replied, "All these Jews 
ought to be shot." They arrived at the Komman- 
datur, were stood out in the street, and were all 
robbed. There were several officers present. There 
was no trial. Soldiers came back from the Kom- 
mandatur and they were taken to the market-place. 
They murdered about sixty. Each was placed 
against the wall. It was extremely dark, and sol- 
diers came with a motor bearing a searchlight. An 
officer came and looked into everyone's face, and 
some were removed, including the women. The 
remainder were then informed that their last mo- 
ment had come, and they could say their prayers. 
They then, with the lead of the teacher, uttered in 
a loud voice their last prayers for the dying (I may 
mention that these so-called Bolsheviks, who pro- 
fess a negation of religion, uttered their last prayers 
in such a -loud voice that they could be heard right 
across the market-place). The officer then com- 
manded the soldiers to shoot. The figures against 
the wall fell, after which the soldiers came and shot 
those who moved on the ground. The remainder, 
who had been put on one side, were then taken to 
prison at 10 o'clock. There had been no trial and 
no word whatever said to them previous to the 
shooting. Nothing to eat was given. Seventeen 
men were placed in one room, and at 11:30 three 

men were brought in. They said that the man 
Glauberman had been shot, but not at the wall. I 
have arrived at the conclusion that the shot heard 
by those in the club was one fired at random by a 
soldier outside to give colour to the charge that the 
soldiers had been fired upon, and unfortunately it 
killed Glauberman, who was hiding in a shed under- 
neath the stairs leading up to the club. I was 
shown the hole made by the bullet. No arms were 
found in the possession of these alleged Bolsheviks. 

Next morning an under-officer came and took 
their names, and said : "We will show you what has 
become of your friends." Nineteen of them were 
taken to the cemetery by a gendarme and some •"'-' 
diers. They were shown a freshly fiUed-in grave. 
They were given shovels and told to reopen the 
grave. This done, they were placed together in a 
row. Soldiers arrived and were placed in front of 
them with rifles levelled at them. The gendarme 
said to the soldiers: "Are you ready?" One of the 
prisoners, an elderly teacher, then prayed in a loud 
voice as follows : "O Lord, forgive thy servants. 
Thou art powerful to save even now." The words 
were no sooner out of his mouth than an el- : 
derly gendarme came to the gendarme in com- 
mand and whispered something to him. He 
ordered the prisoners to fill up the grave, 
again, and they were taken to the prisonj and even- 
tually Gittelman was sent home. Two of those shot 
were teachers, colleagues of his for twenty years. 
It appears that Miss Rabinovitch, who gave evi- 
dence later, had intervened on their behalf. 

Aaron Rubin, an elderly manager of a match fac- 
tory, deposed that he was present at the co-oper- 
ative meeting. He stated that the soldiers in the 
large room searched the people and beat them. One 
man had 11,500 roubles in his possession, which 
was stolen from him. He shouted that he had been 
robbed of this amount. A soldier then went down- 
stairs, and shortly came back and said : "Who has 
shot?" Rubin generally confirmed the previous wit- 
ness's evidence, i He was one of those taken from 
the wall and taken to the cemetery. In the ceme- 
tery the soldiers loaded their rifles and said their 
last moment had come. After they had returned to 
the prison, a gendarme interviewed them and en- 
deavoured to get a confession from them. Each 
one was taken separately in a separate room, 
stripped, and beaten with straps and ramrods. They 
were then all put together in one room half dead 
from flogging. This included six women. They 
were told to put on their clothes and return to their 
cells. On Tuesday a gendarme came and said that 
if there were an enquiry they must say that they 
had not been beaten. On Wednesday he was re- 
leased by doctor's orders. 

A young lady who desired her name not to be 
published, aged about 25, deposed that she went 
to the People's House to enquire as to whether she 
was to participate in the American money. Soldiers 
came in and began to eat food they found in a cup- 
board. They were seeking young Jews for forced 
labour. An elderly officer came and said they were 
all to go into the large room. They searched the 


people, and the first man searched had over 10,000 
roubles. In her opinion all that followed was to 
cover the robbery. She confirmed the statement 
that they were all taken outside the Komman- 
datur. She confirmed the interview with Dr. 
Bakraba, but added that Dr. Bakraba himself 
beat a girl named Eisenberg. No question was 
put to them. They remained in the street. They 
expected they would be brought into the Komman- 
datur but were not, and remained in the street. A 
passer-b}- named Krasalstchik, who was walking on 
the pavement with a Miss Polak, was taken by the 
soldiers and included with the prisoners, and even- 
tually shot. They were then all taken to the mar- 
ket-place and put against the wall of the church. 
All was dark. She saw some of the women led 
away a short distance, so she walked out of the line 
too. All those remaining at the wall were given 
time to say their last words. A teacher chanted 
the last Jewish prayers for the dying, and the others 
repeated them after him. They were then shot 
dead. The survivors were told their time would 
come on the morrow, and that they would be 
hanged. From the wall they were led to the prison. 
The women were in a s.eparate room. The Polish 
guard treated them very badly, but the Governor 
of the prison treated them kindly. The warders 
said they would be shot. A gendarme came later 
and they were all led to a room, stripped naked, re- 
volvers put to their heads and flogged. They were 
then turned out of the room naked with their clothes 
in their hands into a corridor full of soldiers, who 
kicked and struck them. They were then sent into 
another room where they dressed and were allowed 
to go free. 

M. Abrahamovitch gave evidence that he heard a 
noise, was frightened, and hid in the roof of the 
synagogue on the other side of the market-place. 
At a quarter to 9 in the evening of Saturday he 
heard firing and groans that lasted all night, and sol- 
diers laughing. One of the men, Palatzny, was shot 
and only slightly wounded ; at 5 :30 on the morning 
of the 6th April he got up and ran away. He was 
observed by the soldiers and shot dead. 

Sonia Rabinovitch, a girl student from Kieff, was 
staying at Pinsk with her father. Polish officers 
lived at her father's house, and she was able to 
intervene to save the people at the cemetery. (I 
have no doubt that the eventual release of these peo- 
ple was the direct consequence of the arrival of an 
American officer who began to make enquiries.) 

An official statement relative to these events 
issued on the 7th April by General Listovski, com- 
mander of the group, I find devoid of all credence. 

The treatment meted out to these so-called Jewish 
Bolsheviks is in contrast to the treatment of avow- 
edly Bolshevik Poles. M. Gabryl Kiewicz was com- 
missary for the town, a post corresponding to mayor, 
during the. Bolshevik occupation, and he is now a* 
paid official in the Election Office.^ M. Melech, 
who was administrator of the Food Department for 
the Bolsheviks, is now employed in the municipal 

In conversation with local Christian Poles the 

Mission was informed that the town was heartily 
ashamed of this dreadful tragedy, and believed that 
the people massacred were quite innocent. 

In conclusion, I may state that Major Luczynski 
and Lieutenant Landsberg", who were in command 
on the occasion mentioned, in no way have been pun- 
ished. They have simply been removed to other 
posts. I have endeavoured unsuccessfully to see 
Major Luczynski. 

Under the present local administration Pinsk is 
once more peaceful, and the relations between the 
Christian and the non-Christian inhabitants have 
become normal. 

Lida.— On the 16th April, 1919, the Poles attacked 
the Bolshevik troops occupying Lida, this being the 
second day of the Jewish Passover. The Jews 
were frightened and there were only ten Jews in the 
synagogue, the rest remaining in their houses. It 
was proved to my satisfaction that on the 16th the 
Bolsheviks ordered all their soldiers to leave their 
billets and return to barracks. This they refused 
to do, and when the Polish troops entered the town, 
they shot at them from the windows of the houses. 
This was in the poorer Jewish quarter, because 
most of the best houses were taken possession of 
by officers, leaving the less desirable houses to be 
occupied by their men. Consequently when the 
Polish troops eventually entered the town on the 
morning of the 17th they attacked the Jewish quar- 
ter, killing on the two days, the 16th and the 17th, 
thirty-five Jews. The case of the man Poukoff and 
his son, who were first robbed of '150,000 roubles 
and then taken out into the street and shot without 
trial, was a particularly bad case. In fact, the bulk 
of the people killed were either murdered in their 
houses or shot outside them. On the 19th only 
there was a court-martial, when six Jews and two 
Christians were sentenced to be shot. On the 17th 
200 Jews were arrested in the Jewish quarter, but 
were released without any trial after five days. The 
Rabbi of the place. Rabbi Rabbinovitch, was ar- 
rested, robbed and beaten, together with many other 
Jews. On the 18th a body of a soldier was found 
mutilated, and the Jews were accused of having 
murdered him ; this caused great excitement in the 
town. It was said that a Catholic priest intervened, 
and asked in church that anyone who knew any- 
thing of the case should inform him. Later the 
excitement died down, and the rumour was spread 
that the priest had interfered to say that the mur- 
derer was not a Jew. The priest referred to had left 
Lida, and I was unable to obtain confirmation of this 
story, but believe it to be true. 

Vilna was taken from the Bolsheviks on the 19th 
April, 1919, by Polish troops. The rumour was 
spread that the Jews had shot at the Polish soldiers, 
whereupon soldiers and civilians commenced a mas- 
sacre and robbery of the Jews which lasted three 
days. Fifty-five Jews were killed, including two 
well-known authors, MM. Weiter and Ivianski, a 
large number were wounded and 2,000 arrested as 
sympathisers with the Bolsheviks. Of these 1,000 
were released upon guarantees being given, and the 


remainder were removed to internment camps under 
conditions oi the greatest hardship. Most of these 
poor people have been kept in these unsanitary 
and loathsome camps, suffering hunger and fre- 
quent beatings, without trial, and had not been re- 
leased at the time of the mission's visit in Novem- 
ber. Amongst those arrested for having shot at the 
Polish soldiers were the Rev. I. Rubinstein, one of 
the principal Rabbis, and Dr. Shabad, the head of 
the community. I may add that the 19th April was 
a Saturday, when, being the Jewish Sabbath, a 
R'abbi would be most unlikely to carry or use fire- 
arms. Nevertheless, these gentlemen were marched 
by soldiers through the streets, beaten and spat 
upon not only by the mob, but also by well-dressed 
ladies and gentlemen, till they reached a garden 
where they were informed that they were about to 
be shot. After a detention during which they ex- 
pected every minute to be their last, these gentle- 
men eventually were released through the interven- 
tion of an officer and sent home. The killing and 
plundering lasted for three days, many houses being 
completely looted and the synagogue desecrated, in 
spite of the presence in the city of General Joseph 
Pilsudski, the Chief of the State. Officers stated 
publicly that they regarded all the Vilna Jews as 
enemies and sympathisers with Bolsheviks. A cer- 
tain number of Jews, owing to their better educa- 
tion, undoubtedly acted as officials during the Bol- 
shevik regime. But the fact of Christian Poles act- 
ing in a similar manner does not seem to have 
aroused resentment. My attention was called to 
several instances where former Bolshevik officials 
still occupied public offices. M. Solimani was on 
the Economical Council of the Bolsheviks, and at 
the time of the mission's visit was in the Agricul- 
tural Department; but is now a Polish railway offi- 
cial. M. Jachimoricz, of the Bolshevik Economical 
Department, is now secretary to the Municipality 
of Vilna. The Jews do not appear, however, to 
have supported the Bolsheviks in a military sense. 
The Bolsheviks publicly complained that only 1 per 
cent, of their army were Jews. With regard to the 
alleged shooting by Jews upon Polish troops, M. 
Zmaczynski, President of the Court of the province, 
and M. Buyko, Vice-President of the Court, both 
gentlemen of high character, informed the mission 
that they themselves had seen Jewish men and 
women (civilians) firing for two hours in Populanki 
and Alexandrovska Boulevard. 

Further, there was submitted for my inspection an 
official copy of a declaration purporting to be signed 
by four members of the Danish Legation, Section B, 
at Petrograd, to the effect that on the 19th April 
at the Vilna railway station, they had been wit- 
nesses of a fusillade directed by the Jewish civil 
population against the Polish troops. With regard 
to this statement, the Danish Legation at Warsaw 
was kind enough to make some enquiry at the Dan- 
ish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Danish Gov- 
ernment in reply communicated to His Majesty's 
Government the following declaration by the former 
Danish Minister at Petrograd: — 

"I have the honour to state that two of 

the signatories of the document in question, 
Sachsenburg and Ernst, both Austrians, were 
at one time employed in Section B at the 
Danish Legation, the former in the Passport 
Office, the latter as a copying clerk. Dr. 
Klein I do not recall. As stated in this Le- 
gation's report No. 221 of the 6th December 
last, there has never been any Danish Mis- 
sion at Vilna or Warsaw, and when the in- 
dividuals concerned state, in a document 
dated Warsaw, the 25th April, 1919, that they 
are members of the Royal Danish Legation, 
this allegation must be regarded as entirely 
unjustifiable and deserves to be repudiated. 
It would lead very far if all persons who at 
any time have been employed in Section B 
were to be entitled for the rest of their lives 
to describe themselves as 'members of the 
Royal Danish Legation.' The declaration is, 
as far as I can judge, perfectly authentic." 

If Jewish civilians actually did fire upon Polish 
soldiers — and I found it impossible to distinguish 
between the type of Jew prevailing in the Vilna- 
Pinsk district and that of the ordinary Russian or 
Tartar inhabitants — the fact cannot justify the 
whole civilian population being handed over de- 
fenceless to massacre and rapine. I regret to state 
that no official investigation has been made into 
these outrages and no one punished. 

The excesses reported from Cracow and Lodz 
took the form of local riots arising from transient 
causes. Though considerable property was de- 
stroyed and plundered and many Jews seriously as- 
saulted both by soldiers and civilians, there was no 
actual loss of life except that of one man — although 
that is one too many — at the latter place. I am of 
opinion that the affair at Lodz might have attained 
considerably less proportions if, when the police 
proved unequal to quell the disturbance, the military 
authorities had acted with greater promptitude. 

A young man, Selig Lipman, a survivor of an at- 
tack on a farm at Slobodka Lesna, made the follow- 
lowing declaration before me at Warsaw." 

Farm at Slobodka Lesna 

"In peace time the farm was an agricultural col- 
lege, and there were between sixty and seventy stu- 
dents. It is an estate belonging to the Jewish 
Colonial Association situated near the village of 
Lesna. The students were being prepared for agri- 
cultural work in Palestine. There are two houses 
on the farm : one the house of the director and the 
other where the pupils were housed. At the time 
of the following events there were, at the college 
thirteen boy and four girl students. 

"On the 6th June, 1919, the army of General 
Zeligowsky was marching from Russia through 
Roumania to Poland. 

"The farm is situated near the main road, and the 
students were engaged at their usual occupations 
when some of the artillery of this army and about 
200 cavalry halted not far from the farm. Pickets 
were placed at the two entrances to the farm. 


"An officer, a corporal and some soldiers came to 
the director's house. A cart was in front of the 
house loaded with grain. The soldiers took five 
sacks. A portion of the picket meanwhile sur- 
rounded the students' house. They proceeded to 
whip the students. I myself was not in the house 
as I was engaged in getting some cows out of the 
stable. I understand the soldiers asked the students 
if they were Polish. They replied: 'No, they were 
Jews.' Whereupon the soldiers began to beat them 
with swords. One of the boys, whilst being beaten, 
put up his hand to protect himself, and had his hand 
badly wounded by a sword. He then attempted to 
escape, but was unable to do so as he was followed 
by mounted soldiers. So he threw himself flat on 
the ground and they rode over him. He then 
sought refuge in a distillery. 

"The rest of the boys were driven into the black- 
smith's foundry. The soldiers then shot dead three 
of them : — 

"Samuel Presser, aged 19, was killed instantan- 

. "Joseph Ball, aged 18, and / ,. , , . . 
"Zevi Rothenburg, aged 18 ( '^'^'^ shortly after. 

"Subsequently the soldiers went to the distillery 
where the boy, Jacob Wilf, had taken refuge and 
shot him three times. He was not mortally 
wounded and has since recovered. 

"Ball, who was still living, was removed by two 

girl students to their room. This was discovered 

by the soldiers, who went there and shot him dead 

through the head. Rothenburg, already dead, had 

'his throat cut by the soldiers. 

: I "The girls then hid themselves, and, not being 
'discovered, were not molested. 

"The whole of the proceedings only lasted half- 
■an-hour. When I returned irom the stables the 
whole business had finished. As^ soon as the sol- 
diers came to the house I was ordered by the di- 
rector to get the cows into the meadow, and so was 
not present when the above events-took place. 

"The soldiers asked the Director if he was a Jew, 
and he stated that he was a Czech, and was there- 
fore not molested. 

"On the previous night these same soldiers killed 
a Jewish family of six people; a Ruthenian peasant 
(non-Jewish) was taken into a forest and shot, and 
another Ruthenian peasant flogged and beaten. 

"(Signed) SELIG LIPMAN." 

• ,; Having dealt with these excesses in detail, I will 
now proceed to consider them as a whole. 

" It is very difficult to ascertain the number of lives 
'lost through these painful occurrences, but, taking 
the lowest figure in cases of doubt, the total cannot 
be less than 348. These figures, terrible though 
they be, fail to convey an impression of the terrible 
condition of apprehension and anxiety under which 
the Jews labour. The military authorities, under 
the pretext of military necessity, arbitrarily took 

Jews, but rarely Christians, for forced labour. There 
was seldom any necessary labour to be performed, 
and on most occasions upon payment of a bribe 
these men were released. In one town, Bobrojuisk, 
Jews were taken from the Synagogue on the Day of 
Atonement and forced to remove dung from the 
military stables and streets. Even old men were 
forced to do this work. At Lemberg Jews were 
taken for forced labour at any time of the night. 
In order to avoid this the Jewish Relief Committee 
undertook to provide labourers. They paid nearly 
three million crowns in bribery, but Jews were still 
taken and sent back, as there was no work for them 
to do, though at that same time still more Jews 
were being taken in the streets for forced labour. 

Unfortunately their distinctive dress and mien, 
and their practice of not cutting the beard, in accord- 
ance with the Biblical precept, render them easy 
butts for hooligan humour. My attention was di- 
rected to numerous cases of Jews being assaulted 
and robbed in railway trains, and their beards cut 
at railway stations, nearly all these outrages being 
perpetrated by soldiers travelling on the railway. 
The railway authorities appear to have been both 
unwilling and unable to restrain these excesses. In 
no instance was I able to ascertain that any punish- 
ment followed' the offence. 

I noticed in several towns, more especially in 
Warsaw, that the streets in the Jewish quarter were 
left uncleaned and were in a state of worse repair 
than other parts of the city. It does not appear to 
be recognised that a sanitary danger to a portion 
of the community involves sanitary danger to the 

On several occasions the resentment of the sol- 
diery and civil population was aroused by the Zion- 
ists' claim to Jewish nationality as opposed to Polish 
nationality. The same claim was declared to me by 
Government officials to be the reason for the non-ad- 
mission of Jews into the Post Office and other Gov- 
ernment offices, but no evidence was adduced to me 
that Jews not so declaring themselves of separate 
nationality were able to secure appointments. 

A serious feature of the situation is the fact that 
it is very difficult for the Jews to otain redress and 
restitution. Although nominally every citizen is 
free to approach the Government, actualUy repre- 
sentations produce no result. 

At present the Jews are considerably under repre- 
sented in the Polish Parliament (Sejm), having 
only 11 out' of 390 seats.' This is largely owing to 
the manner in which the boundaries of the present 
constituencies are drawn. Until they secure a rep- 
resentation of about forty members, which is about 
their proportion of the general population, it will 
be difficult for them to make any appreciable im- 
pression upon public opinion. Most cf the requests 
made to the Polish Government appear to be met 
with the reply that the Jews have their privileges 
in accordance with their numerical proportion to the 
rest of the population. Whilst this rejoinder is 
apparently frank and just, it is nevertheless spe- 
cious ; the Jews, as in most other parts of the world, 


have specialised in definite occupations. To answer 
their complaints, when their own representative in- 
dustries are attacked, to the effect that they have 
their proper proportion of privileges, appears to be 
a refinement of casuistry. I feel, however, that the 
Government eventually will be able to make its 
sobering influence more directly felt by the gen- 
eral population ; meanwhile the Jews must have pa- 
tience in order to give time for this to become effec- 

I have striven to detail and discuss the distressing 
incidents under investigation with a restraint befit- 
ting the official mission with which I have had the 
honour to be entrusted. I feel bound, however, to 
place on record the pain and horror with which I 
listened to the eye-witnesses of these callous and 
bloodthirsty crimes by which so many innocent and 
harmless people were done to death. 

I consider that the bare recital of these terrible 
events is enough to reveal how insecure are Jewish 
life and property in Poland, and how easily — if the 
evil causes at work be not speedily removed— ex- 
cesses may break out again, possibly upon a far 
more serious scale. 

Many countries have been affected by temporary 
waves of anti-Semitism. The movement has been 
somewhat accentuated in Poland . at the present 
time owing to war, famine and the difficult political 
position. Poles generally are of a generous nature, 
and if the present incitements of the press were 
repressed by a strong official hand Jews would be 
able to live, as they have done for the past 800 
years, on good terms with their fellow citizens in 

In the hope of assisting this desirable consumma- 
tion I have the honour to submit the following 
recommendations for the consideration of His 
Majesty's Government. I won d draw your atten- 
tion to the fact that I have not embodied in this re- 
port any matters- which I was not able to investigate 
personally during the stay of ths mission in Po- 
land : — 


1. That the Polish Government be urged to carry 
out the clauses of the Minority Treaty of June 28, 
1919, in a spirit of sympathy with its Jewish sub- 
jects. A State can only be strong when all sections 
of its inhaitants are working unitedly and in mutual 
confidence for its welfare. 

2. That a genuine and not a "masked" equality 
be accorded to the Jewish population of Poland. 

3. That all outrages against the person or prop- 
erty of the subject, irrespective of religion or race, 
should be promptly punished and the names of the 
delinquents published. This latter action is espe- 
cially necessary, inasmuch as the State does not 
punish out of revenge but as a deterrent to others. 

4. That Jews in East Galicia be restored to their 

official positions in the same manner as non-Jews 
have been. 

5. That Jewish railway officials and employees 
be restored to their posts in the same manner as 
non-Jews have been. 

6. That no restrictions should be placed upon the 
number of Jews admitted to the Universities. 

7. Tha,t a decree be published declaring boycotts 
illegal, and ordering all publications advocating 
boycott to be suspended.* 

8. That all prisoners in internment camps be 
brought to immediate trial, and that humane treat- 
ment be assured to all interned prisoners. 

9. That facilities be afforded for the introduction 
of new industries into Poland with a view to con- 
verting a larger proportion of the Jewish population 
into producers. 

10. That the British Government should assist 
Jews wishing to emigrate from Poland by providing 
facilities to proceed to countries such as Palestine, 
Canada, South Africa, Algeria and South America, 
or any other country desiring to receive them. 

11. That banks be established possessing the con- 
fidence of the Jewish public, so that money might be 
deposited therein instead of being carried on the 
person or concealed in dwellings.^ 

12. That the desirability of a secretary who un- 
derstands and speaks Yiddish being added to the 
staff of His Majesty's Legation at Warsaw be con- 

I have to thank M. Hendryk Wolowski, of the 
Polish Foreign Office, who was detailed to act as 
liaison officer between the British Mission and the 
various Ministries, for his invaluable services in 
securing such information as was desired, and for 
his courteous aid and assistance in furthering the 
object and securing the comfort of the mission dur- 
ing its stay in Poland. 

I have also to inform you that consequent upon 
the introduction of the mission by Sir Percy Wynd- 
ham, then British Minister, to M. de Skrzynski, act- 
ing Prime Minister in M. Paderewski's absence, 
every assistance was rendered by the Polish Gov- 
ernment to the mission in prosecuting its enquiry. 

I beg to thank you for the advice and assistance 
you rendered me. 

I desire to add that Mr. Sidney Phillips and Mr. 
David Bassis rendered efficient service respectively 
as secretary and interpreter. 

I have, &c. 
Sir Horace Rumbold, Bart., K.C.M.G., M.V.O. 



'An entirely different light is thrown on this matter in 
the report of Captain Wright, who, on page 41, in speaking 
of the election, says : "In 1912 the dispute between Poles 
and Jews, assiduously encouraged by the Tsarist authorities, 
came to an issue in the Duma elections. The Warsaw Jews, 
by a neat but perfectly legitimate manoeuvre, got control of 
the elections, and, with sardonic humor, returned to the 
Duma a member of such kind that whenever the representa- 
tive of the capital of Poland got on his feet the Duma 
roared with laughter." Jagiello belonged to the "faction of 
the Socialist party which had renounced Polish independence, 
hence, far from being patriotic, the Jews had chosen as their 
representative a man who had openly bowed to Russian domi- 
nation. The Palish Socialists did not support Jagiello. 

' and 'In the Letter of Transmittal, Sir H. Rumbold says: 
"Sir Stuart Samuel would appear to be mistaken in his appre- 
ciation of the part played by the Jews in the pre-war business 
relations between Poland and Russia, and in the industry 
of the former country. Whereas it is true that the goods 
exported from Poland were to a large extent handled by tlie 
Jews, only a small percentage of those goods were actually 
manufactured by them. The cotton industry in Lodz owes 
its development more to the Polish industrial community 
of German extraction than to the Jews. The statement that 
the initiative in business was almost entirely a prerogative 
of the Jews is exaggerated. A case in point are the co- 
operatives, which are exclusively Polish." Statistics compiled 
before the war showed that only 33 per cent, of the factories 
were in the hands of Jews. 

* Even the Jews have almost without exception admitted 
that their race in Poland has for centuries had the lowest 
standing of living of all the residents of Poland. The recent 
typhus epidemic was far more extensive among the Jews 
than the Poles because the louse-carried disease flourished 
amid the filth of the Jewish abodes. Captain Wright in his 
report says : "This civilization of nothing less than half the 
Polish Jews is not only far from European, but it is also 
very primitive. It is the civilization of the age of Ezra and 
Nehemiah in the fifth century before the Christian " 

'A great distinction was drawn between those cases m 
which the individuals who accepted office under the invaders 
did so in order to lighten the impositions upon their fellow 
citizens and those in which the offices were sought by persons 
frankly anxious to desert the Polish cause. All cases of this 
kind were tried for high treason, and the fact that the in- 
dividuals here mentioned were acquitted is proof of the fact 
that they did not turn against their country, but merely ac- 
cepted distasteful positions in the interests of Poles. 

' Though Sir Stuart Samuel here fully credits the unsup- 
ported story of a young Jew he says on page 28 that "An 

official statement issued on the 7th of April by General 

Listovski, commander of the group, I find devoid of all 
credence." In several cases he gives unsupported testimony 
wliich "was proved to my satisfaction" without giving further 

' Poland has general man and woman suffrage. In addi- 
tion, the law provides for proportional representation, guar- 
anteeing the representation of minorities. An equal number 
of voters is in all cases entitled to equal representation. Vot- 
ing is by secret ballot. There exists no reason why Jews 
cannot by voting obtain the full representation that their 
strength warrants. 

" Though the Polish Government has in many cases taken 
drastic steps against boycott movements and has removed 
army officials because of their tolerance of boycotts, the 
recommendation here given would cause the Government of 
a free country to take a step backward to suppression and 

■ Sir Rumbold says : "I would point out that there exists 
a national loan bank and that there is no difference be- 
tween Poles and Jews regarding the business transacted at 
the bank. Polish legislation makes no difficulties" with re- 
gard to the founding of banks by Jews, so the latter are able, 
if they need it, to start banks in which they have confidence." 


The Captain Wright Report 



THE Mission arrived in Warsaw on the 18th 
September, 1919. Sir Stuart Samuel, the Chief 
Commissioner, left on the 6th December, and I left 
on the 18th December. This report was written be- 
fore my departure. 

The chief task imposed on the Commission sent 
out to examine the condition of the Jews in Poland 
was to enquire into any excesses committed against 
the Jews that might be brought to the notice of the 
Commission. But on enquiries into these excesses 
I found, as might be expected, they were only the 
expression of a mutual animosity. Therefore no 
examination of the excesses could be complete un- 
less we enquired into the nature and origin of their 
animosity. But on enquiring into this deep and 
ancient quarrel, I found no examination of it could 
be complete unless we enquired into the history of 
the Jews in Poland. One subject thus leading to 
another, I wished, even at the risk of appearing 
pedantic or presumptuous or superficial, to try to 
understand and to explain, first, the past history of 
the Jews in Poland ; secondly, the causes of the un- 
paralleled anti-Semitic feeling existing there; and 
lastly, those excesses which are the effects of these 
violent feelings. 

There was another reason for extending 
the enquiry to these rather too-distant limits. 
The Poles complained bitterly of foreign 
Commissions meddling with their national 
affairs without any acquaintance with the 
hjstory of 'their past, as if they were savages 
without any past history at all. This com- 
plaint seemed to me reasonable and just; for 
our own domestic questions, like the Irish 
question, for example, could hardly be under- 
stood by foreigners ignorant of and indiffer- 
ent to our past history. This was another 
reason for at least endeavoring to give this 
scope to our enquiry, though time and other 
qualifications might perhaps be insufficient. 

West Jews and East Jews 

Even at present, in spite of the large outflow from 
the original reservoir into the Western world on 
both sides of the Atlantic, three-fifths of the world's 
Jews live in what was once the Kingdom of Poland. 
A century ago, before the outflow began, four- 
fifths or even nine-tenths, did. In the capital of 
Poland, Warsaw, at least every third person is a 
Jew, and there are 600 synagogues; in many pro- 
vincial towns four out of five inhabitants, in some 
even nine out of ten, are Jews ; nearly everything 

printed that strikes the eye in the streets of such 
small provincial towns, is not in our, but in the 
Hebrew alphabet. Every village, every estate has 
one or two Jews on it. At the most only one out 
of every 200 people in the British Isles is Semitic ; 
but in Poland, taking the whole country, one out 
of every seven at least. 

But it is a difference not only in quantity but in 
kind. The Germans, placed as they are between the 
Jews of Eastern and those of Western Europe, and 
so able to see the difference, always distinguish in 
their numerous scientific writings between y^hat 
they call East Jews and West Jews, and these names 
are convenient. 

Language is the most easily discernible, as it is 
the strongest proof, of the differences. West Jews, 
in an overwhelming majority,' speak the language 
of their country. East Jews do not: among them- 
selves they speak, with slight variations in different 
districts, a Middle-High German dialect, contemp- 
tuously called jargon in Eastern Europe, and where 
it survives in the East End of London, as Yiddish. 
It is often treated as a debased form of German, but 
it is nothing of the sort, any more than the language 
of Chaucer is a debased form of English. It is a 
mediaeval dialect, and still spoken by the peasants 
of the Black Forest. The very word "Yiddish" is 
the modern German word "Jiidisch," meaning 
Jewish, pronounced with the correct mediaeval ac- 
cent. « 

To write this Yiddish, Hebrew characters are 
used. Concurrently with it, Hebrew is used as a 
religious language, and within the last generation 
the Zionists have endeavoured to substitute it for 
Yiddish as a popular language to write magazines, 
conduct education, and to talk nothing else; but, 
even as a religious language, Hebrew is not, as 
among at least the majority of the West Jews, the 
privilege of a few learned Semitic scholars; it is a 
language that every educated East Jew learns and 
in which the pious reads his sacred books with the 
same zeal as the pious Protestant pores over his 
Bible. The "Jewish Press" in Western Europe is 
newspapers owned and edited by Jews ; but in East- 
ern Europe it means daily newspapers printed in 
these old Semitic letters, utterly different from 
either the Latin letters used by Poles or Hellenic 
letters used by Russians, and so singular and unique 
in Europe as the only Semitic alphabet in use. Even 
now many Polish Jews speak Polish with difficulty, 
and only know this mediaeval German dialect and 
this old Semitic language which is older than many 
portions of the Old Testament, written as they were 
when Jews had already abandoned Hebrew for 
Aramaic ; and I am told that two or three genera- 
tions ago this ignorance of anything but Yiddish or 
Hebrew was quite common. 


'The Jew in Eastern Europe," says an 
Anglo-Jewish writer, "differs from the other 
inhabitants not only in religion but also in 
custom and language. Religion for the Brit- 
ish Jews is only a matter of conscience and 
tradition ; it is also for many Jews in Eastern 
Europe also a question of manners and cus- 
toms,"^ The many Jews he refers to are the 
Orthodox Jews, the Chassidim (pious) who 
constitute roughly (though the exact propor- 
tion is disputable) half the East Jews. No- 
thing like these East Jews exists among the 
West Jews (or is even known to most of them, 
I suspect), and the above writer was under- 
stating the difference. The Orthodox Jews in 
Eastern Europe are neither European nor 
modern. The difference between West Jews 
and Christians is, or tends to be (as anti- 
Semites would maintain), a difference of relir 
gion only as they belong or claim to belong 
only to a different denomination. The differ- 
ence between Chassidim and Christians is not 
even a difference of religion, or even of nation- 
ality, but one of civilisation; they differ to the 
observation of the most superficial observer, 
not in doctrine only, but in their way of dress- 
ing, of living, of eating. Their dress— to take 
the distinction that appears at once — is not 
the same ; like their speech, it is mediaeval : a 
long black gabardine, and a peculiar cap. They 
wear beards and side curls, not because it is a 
barber's fashion, but for religious reasons, 
like other Orientals. Their standard of clean- 
liness in dress and living is low, next to those 
which Latin Christendom has always had just 
because its origin is Latin. But, on the other 
hand, questions of food are to them — as they 
are to many Eastern castes — questions of 
religion, and their standard of cleanliness, for 
example, in the choice and the preparation of 
meat is very much higher. I select these out- 
ward differences because I could observe them 
myself during the short period I was brought 
into contact. But I am inclined, from a num- 
ber of concrete cases that came before the 
Commission, to agree with the Polish conten- 
tion that their standards of conduct are also 
'", very different, and, consistently with what 
"else I have observed of them, neither Euro- 
'pejan nor modern. 

The resemblance between this small primi- 
• tive Semitic civilisation,, so strangely pre- 
■ served in Europe, and the great Semitic civil- 
isation of Islam, struck me, even though my 
knowledge of each is inconsiderable, and I 
would not venture on this observation if it 
were not confirmed by the authorities — -Ger- 
man for the most part, I regret to say — which 
I read on the subject. The rigid monotheism : 
the subordinate position in religion of women, 
evidently in earlier times an absolute exclu- 
sion ; the absence of distinction between civil 
and religious authority, the Rabbi supplying 
both and wielding the greatest power: the 

absence of distinction between civil and reli- 
gious law, the sacred books supplying both ; 
the existence of hereditary tribes of priests 
called almost by the same name ; the simila- 
rity of the calendars : the very schools where 
boys sing-song their lessons from the sacred 
books and the copious quotations from them 
in the same sing-song which adorns all grave 
conversation ; these mere outward points of 
resemblance appear at once. Some of the 
customs, such as keeping the heads of women 
shaved and making them wear a wig or rib- 
bons or false hair, appear absolutely savage. 

The Chassidim are still the people of the Book, as 
Mohammed, in the most illuminating phrase ever 
spoken about the Jews, called them. For a book, 
or rather a set of books, rule their whole way of 
life. These are the Torah (what we call the Pen- 
tateuch and the Greek-speaking authors of the New 
Testament correctly translated into Greek as the 
Law), every word, every dot of which is not only 
sacred but has an absolute value and must be literally 
carried out:^ on a lower level Nebiim (prophets) 
and Ketubim (scripture) : and then a vast ency- 
clopaedic work, the Talmud, written between the 
second and sixth century of our era, and being, in 
effect, a record of rabbinical controversies of the 
previous six centuries. In Torah and Talmud the 
whole of human knowledge is contained, and out- 
side it there is no human knowledge worth having;^ 
and piety consists of the knowledge and study of 
them and the execution of the ritual and customs 
found or supposed to be found in them. Among 
these ritual and customary rules the chief are the 
rules of Kosher food (Kosher being the word our 
Bible translators translated as "clean"), and the 

Torah, Nebiim and Ketubim have been transmit- 
ted to Christianity to constitute the Old Testament 
together with some of their prestige. But the 
closest devotion to the sacred text and the strictest 
Sabbatarianism of the strictest Protestants falls far 
short of the literal, rigorous and elaborately legal 
observation of the Torah by the Orthodox Jews. 
I will give two examples, one of a rule of Kosher 
(clean), drawn from the Pentateuch, and one of the 
Sabbath rules. 

"Thou shalt not seeth the kid in its mother's 
milk." Therefore no butter can be eaten with meat. 
Therefore, no butter or milk must stand on the 
table at the same time as meat. Therefore, to avoid 
any unintentional breach of the law, each house- 
hold must possess a separate set of crockery, knives 
and forks for meat and milk; and Chassidim, even 
the poorest, do this. 

Work is forbidden on the Sabbath. Therefore 
no fire can be lit or extinguished on it. Therefore 
nothing should be done which involves the possible 
lighting or extinguishing of fire. Therefore smok- 
ing is forbidden. 

These customs, especially as to food and Sabbath, 
and the ritual rules are not few, but form a large code, 
the Shulkhan Aruch (Spread Table). The observa- 


tion of them makes up the whole life of the Ortho- 
dox who care for nothing else, and will suffer any- 
thing rather than violate them. I can think of two 
cases of excesses brought before the Commission, 
one in which a Jew had been cruelly beaten rather 
than sign his name on Saturday, writing being, of 
course, a violation of the Sabbath ; the other when 
a Jew had been badly mishandled by soldiers rather 
than let them force a piece of meat that was not 
Kosher through his teeth. Religion and morality 
consist in the keeping of these ritual and customary 
rules, and, whatever ''rationalising and "reformed" 
modern Jews may say, outside these ritual and 
customary rules there is no religion and morality 
for the Orthodox.* The difficulties of life are in 
avoiding any breach of them; for example, eating 
an egg with a drop of blood in it. The perplexities 
of life are in dealing with new cases ; for example, is 
an egg, laid on the Sabbath, Kosher or is it not? 

This civilisation of nothing less than half the 
Polish Jews is not only far from European, but it is 
also very primitive. It is the civilisation of the age 
of Ezra and Nehemiah in the fifth century before 
the Christian era when the books of the Old Testa- 
ment were edited in their present form, materially 
unchanged, but only made more rigid and sharp in 
course of time.^ That their spiritual life was re- 
stricted to the Torah, the Law and these ritual and 
customary rules is, of course, the very criticism 
made of the Jews by the Greek-speaking authors of 
the New Testament, but I had never understood 
that reproach until I had seen the system in full 
swing, now as it was 2,000 years ago. Their very 
antiquity made the Orthodox Jews the most in- 
teresting people in Poland, and their Rabbis were 
venerable with all the dignity of the East. But they 
are ilot civilised in our sense of the word, and it is 
impossible for Poles to amalgamate with them, and 
difficult to mix with them, or even to frame com- 
mon laws for them. Nothing could be more im- 
pressive than this strahge preservation of this old 
Setnitic culture, which is not only older than Euro- 
pean civilisation, but is older than the civilisations, 
Latin or Byzantine, now long extinguished, from 
which European civilisation is itself derived. The 
ridicule and contempt affected for it by Poles, and 
many Jews who are not Orthodox, is shallow and 
ignorant. But nothing could be more difficult to 
associate with than a people who physically, men- 
tally and morally are, and whose whole conception 
and way of life is so very different. 

The presence of such people as the Chassidim in 
their midst must profoundly affect the minds of 
ordinary people, especially a devout, rustic people 
like the Poles. There is a general belief among all 
classes of Poles that the Jews practice ritual mur- 
der; for this there exists not the slightest evidence. 
It is a myth and an improbable myth. For Ortho- 
dox Judaism is not a religion of , mysterious rites, 
less so itideed than Christianity, but a highly posi- 
tive, defined, legal religion. But I think this myth, 
strongly and widely believed as it is, the reflection 
at this antique and oriental religion casts in the 
minds of ordinary men. 

As the Orthodox Jews now are, so were all East 
Jews till the nineteenth century. Since then this 
original nucleus, which had kept intact and un- 
changed for scores of centuries, has shed off, aot 
only the greater part of the West Jews (the White- 
chapel Jews still refer to Poland in Yiddish as 
tlome), but also the Polish Jews who . are not 
Orthodox. These resemble the West Jews as we 
know them in England, in having become European 
(though, of course, the anti-Semitic thesis is that 
they have not yet and never can become so), and 
certainly in being, in so far as they are Eurojiean- 
ised, ultra modern; for they have broker, with their 
own traditional past and are not c mnected with the 
traditional pa'^t of Europeans. The mair political 
party oi the I'cj'ish Jews who are not Orthod(.'X is 
knoWn, and for a very good reason, as I shall after- 
wards explain, as the Nationalist or Zionist Party, 
ai<d for cotivt tjience and to distinguish them from 
the Orthodox, I shall call them all Nationalists, 
though all do not belong to this Party. Roughly 
speaking, and leaving out of account very many 
shades of diir r^i ence, the Jews in Poland, who may- 
.■■umber, according to the ultimate boundaries as- 
signed to Poland, anything between three ^nd live 
millions, fall under the head of either OrtV.odox or 

This division and nomenclature omits the very 
small class of assimilated Jews, who are, however, 
the highest class of Jews, and who are Polish in the 
same way as the best kind of Jews in England are 

The East Jews, Nationalist or Zionist, are very 
like the West Jews but more strict. Torah and 
Talmud have both highest position, but not only do 
they admit other forms of knowledge, but are 
zealots of education. They respect Kosher and the 
Sabbath, the twin pillars of Orthodoxy, in various 
degrees, but to the Orthodox they are mere un- 
believers. There is a deep cleavage between the 
two. For the Nationalists consider themselve;, the 
progressive section of Judaism, and to them the 
Orthodox are backward and obsolete who are ridic- 
ulous enough to consider it a mortal sin to write a 
letter on Saturday morning or to eat a lobster. But 
the Nationalists gain ground steadily. The services 
in their synagogues have been "reformed" into 
being very like services in Protestant churches. 
Their Rabbis are very highly educated men, resem- 
bling German parsons. There is the same difference 
between an Orthodox Rabbi — who looks like a 
Rabbi in Rembrandt's etchings — and a "reformecl " 
Rabbi as there is between a devout Neapolitan 
Monk and a philosophical Unitarian minister. 

West Jews play a familiar part in the economic 
life of the West, nearly always as men of affairs, and 
almost exclusively as town dwellers. 

But in Poland till within the last generation all 
business men were Jews ; the Poles were peasants 
or landowners, and left commerce to the Jews; even 
now certainly much more than half, and perhaps 
as much as three-quarters, of business men are 
Jews ; in big towns (and I take, not statistics, but 
the evidence most obvious to the eye) the shops at 


times seem to be all Jewish. Warsaw, the capital 
of Poland, is nearly half Jewish. In small towns 
the preponderance is still greater, and in most 
*owns, big or small, the East Jew is not only the 
prosperous business man, he is the slum dweller, 
living in unimaginable squalor and poverty, and 
occupying almost all the slums. This is far from 
true of West Jews. 

Again, there is a still greater difference. 
Poland is an agricultural country, but the 
East Jews, unlike the West Jews, play a large 
part in its country life. Every estate and 
every village has its Jew, who holds a sort 
of hereditary position in them; he markets 
the produce of the peasants and makes their 
purchases for them in towns ; every Polish 
landowner or noble had his own Jew, who 
did all his business for him, managed the com- 
mercial part of his estate and found him 
money. Till modern times it was actual law, 
and in modern times a rigorous etiquette, 
that no Polish noble, small or great, might 
buy and sell. Even if he wanted to buy a 
horse from a friend, he sent his Jews to do 
it. Besides this, nearly all the population 
of nearly all the small country towns is 
Jewish, corn and leather dealers, storekeepers 
and pedlars and such like. They are very like 
— and exposed to the same odium as — the 
Irish Gombeen man, the village storekeeper 
who exploited, or was supposed to exploit, the 
Irish peasant. 

These small middlemen play a large part 
in a country like Poland, whose economic life 
has been artificially stunted by conquerors. 
This is the sort of thing that happens, and I 
quote it as an example to show the nature of 
their activities. On market days these Jews 
haunt the roads leading to the market and 
buy their produce, a goose or a load of vege- 
tables, from peasants and resell it again. This 
sort of business and nothing else is their only 
livelihood ; they are capitalists trading with 
a capital of a few shillings. And this class is 
as common in big towns as in the country. 

For both town and country I think it a true 
generalisation to say that the East Jews are 
hardly ever producers, but nearly always mid- 
dlemen. In Lemberg, with a population of 
nearly 60,000 Jews, three-quarters of these 
are small shopkeepers, hawkers, pedlars, or 
engaged in any chance job they can get as 
intermediaries. Only 25 per cent, are artisans 
or prosperous business men. There are, of 
course, in such millions of people, consider- 
able exceptions: Galician woodcutters; in 
certain places factory workers, though their 
strict Sabbath rules and the dislike of the 
Polish workmen keep them away from fac- 
tories; artisans, too, in cheap furniture, 
clothes and leather, but inferior in skill to 
the Poles; and in other trades, too, but al- 
ways tending to unskilled labour. But the 

generalisation is generally true. The Lem- 
berg figures perhaps give the right average 
in towns ; in the country the average would be 
even higher. 

It is instructive to try and imagine what 
England would be like under the same condi- 
tions. Arriving in London, a stranger would 
find every second or third person a Jew, al- 
most all the poorer quarters and slums Jew- 
ish, and thousands of synagogues. Arriving 
at Newbury he would find practically the 
whole town Jewish, and nearly every printed 
inscription in Hebrew characters. Pene- 
trating into Berkshire, he would find the only 
storekeeper in most small villages a Jew, and 
small market towns mostly composed of 
Jewish hovels. Going on to Birmingham, 
he would find all the factories owned by Jews, 
and two shops out of three with Jewish 
names. He would find at least half these 
Jews almost as different from an Englishman 
as an Arab, even in their dress and the cut 
of their hair, and speaking among themselves, 
not only the dialect of a foreign tongue, but 
that foreign tongue itself the language of an 
enemy. This is the picture the Jewry of the 
East Jews presents, and anti-Semitic dis- 
sensions are therefore very different in Po- 
land to what they are in Western Europe. 
The most resonant anti-Semitic dispute of the 
last generation was the Dreyfus case. But 
the small Polish town of Cracow itself con- 
tains half as many Jews as in the whole of 
France put together. If the Jews in France 
had been so large in number, as different in 
character, and as peculiar in position as they 
are in Poland, that famous controversy would 
have taken a very different" shape. 

History of the Jews in Poland 

A great quarrel has arisen in the present genera- 
tion between Jews and Poles, each in their millions, 
and, in trying to understand their present rela- 
tions, which are very bad, I was compelled to 
try and understand their past relations which 
had been very much better, if not excellent. 
Without, perhaps, the opportunity or the qualifica- 
tions to do so, I was thus driven to study the past, 
even at the risk of presenting both the opposite 
faults of pedantry and ignorance, and all the more 
so that each side seemed to me to be using against 
the other historical arguments that were equally, 
though differently, fallacious. 

History may be an academic pursuit, but it ceases 
to be so where it is used to justify very practical 
measures. The anti-Semitic party in Poland pro- 
poses to expel the Jews because they are strangers 
uninvited to Poland, who have grown stronger by 
Poland's weaknesses, and are now too numerous 
for its safety. The Nationalist Jews want Home 
Rule in Poland for the Jews because they form a 
separate nation, whom long oppression has pre- 
vented from asserting itself, but which now intends 


to come to its own. But I venture to say that these 
theories are common examples of history being de- 
graded into the handmaiden of politics by men who 
care very little about the past, and very much about 
the present. 

It could not be, and is not fortuitous, that till the 
beginning of the nineteenth century the Jews in all 
parts of the world, from China to Abyssinia, should 
exist only in clusters, and in such great masses in 
the region between the Baltic and the Black Sea, 
where nine-tenths of the Jews in the world were 
to be found. Polish Jewry was, in effect, Jewry 
till then. 

In the eighth and ninth centuries there was a 
great kingdom of Tartars to the north of the Black 
Sea — called the Chazars — of which a large, and that 
the upper portion, were converted to Judaism. Tar- 
tars are still the only people who show any inclina- 
tion for conversion to Orthodox Judaism, and the 
Russian Church had to take special measures to pre- 
vent these changes.^ The chazars were broken by 
the Slavs after two centuries and driven westwards 
But they survive in a Jewish sect, who were recog- 
nised as such by the Russian Government, and ex- 
cepted from their measures of persecution — the 
Charaites — who still celejjrate their synagogue ser- 
vice in Tartar. Obscure as these origins are, there 
is no doubt, from the evidence of coins, that Jewish 
communities existed in Poland before either St. 
Cyril brought Byzantine or St. Adalbert Latin civi- 
lisation to the Slavs by converting them to Chris- 

This was the Jewish stream from the East. 
Another came from the West, when Western Chris- 
tendom, during that long offensive against Islam 
and heathendom known as the Crusades, expelled 
the Jews who seemed to represent the very forces 
they were atttacking, those from the Rhine, where 
the earliest and thickest settlements of these wan- 
dering Semitic merchants existed, joined their co-re- 
ligionists further east and these adopted the Ger- 
man language, Judisch or Yiddish, of the new- 
comers. Both streams had mixed largely with the 
Teutonic and Slav races. 

Therefore the Jews in Poland have been settled 

' there between 800 and 1,000 years. Except for the 

purpose of proving a point, they cannot be called 

strangers there, nor can the Slavs be considered 

very much more native than they. 

From the documents of the thirteenth century,* 
which do not create new but register existing con- 
ditions, they are seen at their first real appearance 
as a semi-autonomous corporation or community, 
for which it is hard to find a name in English, for 
the thing itself has never existed in England, where 
the State, in the shape of the Crown, so early 
crushed out all independent political organisations, 
and gathered all public power to itself. But, of 
course, such bodies are common all over central 
Europe, and the Jewish community had the same 
sort of independence as, for example, the free city 
of Hamburg. Their position was exactly the oppo- 
site of the English Jews, who were a mere sponge 

in the hands of our kings to be squeezed for money 
whenever the sponge was full. At their very earliest 
appearance they are seen grouped around their 
synagogues and rabbis, who exercise civil and re- 
ligious authority, with a personal law of their own, 
independent courts of their own, complete freedom 
to travel and special protection in so doing, and 
only a nominal dependence on the king. Even in 
the twelfth century they are evidently an indepen- 
dent political organism in mediaeval Poland, and as 
Poland remained mediaeval till it perished, and in- 
deed perished just because it remained mediaeval, 
next to neighbours who were not, so the mediaeval 
organisation of the Jews lasted to the end. The 
Jews were ruled by their commissioners (waadim), 
and the Polish kings dealt only with those com- 
missioners and not directly with the individual Jews. 
Owing to a. very uncritical view of the document 
known as the Privilege of Casimir the Great, which 
is a Magna Charta of the Jews, it is a favourite Po- 
lish view that the Jews were admitted to Poland 
by the mistaken generosity of the Polish kings and 
the tolerance of the generous people. This is very 
like saying that the Dukedom of Bavaria grew by 
the generosity of the German emperors and the tol- 
erance of the German people. These smaller political 
organisms grew with the greater organism that con- 
tained them and in mediaeval life were neither 
junior in origin nor subordinate in right. 

In its desperate efforts to centralise and unify 
itself so as to resist its powerfully centralised neigh- 
bors in the eighteenth century, this independence 
was suppressed for a few years before the Russian 
flood engulfed both Jews and Poles. But the Prus- 
sian administrators found in 1732 this whole med- 
iaeval system still working when they took posses- 
sion after the Partition. 

Economically, the Jews appear at the very 
outset as dealers not as producers, nor even 
as artisans, and chiefly dealers in money; in 
course of time the whole business and com- 
merce of Poland became theirs, and they did 
nothing else. The Poles were knights and 
ploughmen who fought and tilled, and the 
merchants were Jews, and this monopoly 
lasted till the present generation. The Jews 
grew steadily in number because their stan- 
dard of living was, and is, much lower than 
that of the Poles; even now the Chassidim, 
very often also those of considerable means, 
live in the poorest way and multiply as rapid- 
ly as a people with a lower standard always 

Socially they are, in Polish history, a despised 
caste, exercising a despised occupation, trade. There 
was also the closest alliance between them and the 
innumerable nobility, great and small, who ruled 
Poland till the end. "Every noble has his Jew" 
was the Polish saying, and if he did spit in the face 
of his Jew when drunk, the Jew did all the business. 
This position of hereditary "body Jew" as estate 
business manager of every Polish landowner lasted , 
till the present generation. I am informed that in 


Polish literature the Jew appears as part of the 
Polish people, a very inferior branch of it, it is true, 
but still as part of it. 

Mediaeval, men, seeing this independence, this pros- 
perity, and thess numbers, called Poland the Paradise 
of the Jews. 

It is an explanation often given of what may be 
called according to the point of view, the idiosyncra- 
sies or defects of the Jews, that they have been an 
oppressed and persecuted people. This is an idea so 
charitable and humane that I should like to think it, 
not only of the Jews, but of every other people. It 
has every merit as a theory except that of being true. 
When one thinks of what happened to the other "ra- 
cial, religious, and linguistic minorities" of Europe in 
modern times, say, the French Protestants or the Irish 
Catholics, to take the first of numberless examples that 
come to hand, the Jew appears not as the most perse- 
cuted, but as the most favoured, people of Europe. 
This mediaeval autonomy, enduring as it did through 
modern times because it happened to be placed in a 
country that always remained mediaeval, was the shell 
within which the Orthodox Jews (and all Jews were 
Orthodox till the nineteenth century) preserved their 
ancient and peculiar civilisation untouched by the flow 
and change of the world until the nineteenth century. 
And this is wh}- they are so different, even now, to 
the Poles. And this is why it is so difficult for Poles 
and Jews to agree and become one people now. It is 
not the bad luck of the Jews that has prevented them 
"developing," as they call it; it is their singular good 
fortune in the past because they never had, to return 
to my two chance examples, any St. Bartholomews, 
Repeals of the Edict of Nantes, Captures of Drogheda, 
or Irish Penal Laws. 

Even at present, in the twentieth century, the re- 
moteness of the life of the Orthodox Jews from Eu- 
ropean life and their separateness struck me again 
and again in the evidence that came before the Com- 
mission. I will give one of the most striking examples. 

It is impossible to mix with Europeans without at 
least knowing their calendar, the names of months, 
and of the days of the week, or to mix much with 
Europeans without using it to mark dates. Con- 
versely, anyone who does not, and cannot use this 
calendar to mark dates, and is hardly aware of it, 
must have lived apart from European life. 

A poor but worthy Jewish Rabbi from a townlet 
in very desert Eastern territories came before the Com- 
mission with complaints. On cross-examining him 
as to dates, I found he only used, and only knew, the 
old Semitic calendar of the Jews, and could not reckon 
time in any other. His little community only used, 
and could only use, the Hebrew months and year. He 
knew no other. 

The Jczus in the Nineteenth Century 

The partition of Poland broke into and broke up 
this curious Jewish life. In the nineteenth century the 
original mass of Orthodox Jewry threw oflf body after 
body, either as emigrants who constitute most of the 
West Jews on both sides of the Atlantic, or the East 
Jews, whom I have called for convenience National- 

ists or Zionists. Ihese new bodies took to livmg, 
feeling, and thinking as Europeans. (Though, of 
course, the foundation of the anti-Semitic view is that 
they never can ; and that under the Jew you always 
find the Oriental.) This change shows itself at once 
in man}- ways. For example, in the part played (for 
good or for bad) in every sphere of life in the last 
century, where before that time Jews had never been 
heard of. Again, the Hebrew language then began 
to reflect the change ; before that it had been used for 
merely religious purposes, controversies on Torah and 
Talmud as to how many brazen lavers there were in 
Solomon's Temple, or whether the fat in an animal's 
tail is Kosher or not. But from the beginning of the 
nineteenth century it began to be used for every pur- 
pose, literary or scientific. Again, a religious change 
also set in ; synagogue services began to be "reformed," 
that is, a.ssimilated to Christian services, till, for ex- 
ample, Jewish Rabbis in England dress like Anglican 
clergymen and, with a singular want of humour, even 
cease to be called Rabbis, but call themselves chap- 

Political ideas also changed, or rather political ideas 
entered the heads of Jews for the first time. For 
even now Orthodox Jews care little for political ques- 
tions ; not much as to who rules them, nor very much 
how they are ruled, so long as their religious practices 
are untouched. It was less with complaints about 
pogroms and excesses that the Orthodox leaders came 
before the Commission than with complaints about 
Sunday closing, which discourages a strict observance 
of the Sabbath. 

But the strongest political idea of ,any, so 
strong that it seems natural, nationality, and its 
corollaries, like patriotism, take a different form 
in East and West Jews. If an English Jew 
is asked "Are you an Englishman?" he answers 
"Yes" ; Judaism is to him a religion only. If 
a Polish Jew (or almost any Polish Jew) is 
asked "Are you a Pole?" he answers "No; I 
am of Jewish nationality." So it is that the 
anti-Semitic disputes in Eastern Europe are the 
reverse of those in Western Europe. For ex- 
ample, Dreyfus was an officer who said he was 
as French as any Frenchman (it was his op- 
ponents who denied he ever could be). At 
present the Polish Government says it will ad- 
mit Jews as field officers if they will sign a 
declaration that they are of Polish nationality. 
This they refuse to do. 

Various causes have contributed to make this 
difference, which is fundamental and deserv- 
ing of the fullest analysis. French, English, 
and American Jews are, or protest they are, 
French, English, or American (100 per cent. 
American, as they say). Polish Jews protest 
they are not Poles ; they are only Jews, but 
Polish subjects. 

This is not only a legal point ; the legal attitude ex- 
presses the real attitude. I am not sure whether I 
have been able entirely to understand why the evolu- 
tion of these Europeanised Jews has been different in 
East and West, but some of the causes are apparent. 


The East Jews have more cohesion, both from 
within and without. They are more numerous and 
more difficult to transform. Even where West Jews 
form a mass, as in New York, they have come in 
gradually, and been more fully influenced. Because 
East Jews are more numerous, they are more pious, 
and therefore more different; no man who has to 
earn his living, least of all a poor emigrant, can keep 
Jewish ritual rules. Sabbath and Kosher, or wear the 
orthodox dress unless others do. From without, Pol- 
ish society (in the wide, not the narrow sense) is more 
exclusive because it has century-old traditions of ex- 
clusion. The Jews to them are still what the native 
is to the Anglo-Indian. Western European societies, 
who have only known the Jews in any considerable 
number for about a century, have not, or only again 
in a relatively slight degree. If the upper half of the 
Eastern Jews is European, the lower half, the Chassi- 
dim, is not, and this lower half haunts the upper 
half, and by the Poles the two halves are naturally 
identified. West Jews do not drag this terrific tail 
after them. No West Jew I have ever met is like 
the Orthodpx East Jew, or even has any idea that such 
people exist; otherwise, they would be less surprised 
at the prejudice of the Poles. 

Besides these particular, there are more general, pro- 
founder causes. When orientals in a mass, both dis- 
tinct and coherent, get European ideas, such as nation- 
ality, patriotism, social equality, liberty, and self-gov- 
ernment, they begin to think they are a nation to 
whom their patriotism is due, and conversely that it 
is not due to the Europeans from whom they ob- 
tained their ideas ; that they are equal to these Euro- 
peans, and that being treated as an inferior caste is 
unjust; that if they have the right to be free and 
govern themselves, then they will not be governed by 
men who are not of their race, language, and religion. 
So the very ideas benevolently sown by Europeans 
spring up- again in a hostile, armed, and formidable 
shape. More and more during the nineteenth century 
the Jews had become not only a separate body, as 
in the previous ages, but a body politically claiming 
an independence as much as the Poles, and socially 
complete equality. Finally, during the last few years, 
these feelings crystallised into the formation of the 
Nationalist or Zionist party, which is the strongest 
party among the Europeanised Jews, all of whom, for 
convenience, I have called Nationalists. They want 
Home Rule, independence in Poland, and a national 
home in Palestine. 

Our Eastern empire offers the clearest analogies. It 
is not fortuitous that the very same word "National- 
ists" is adopted both in India and Egypt by orientals 
who want self-government or independence from us. 
There also it is those members of Eastern races who 
have been Europeanised who get European ideas, 
equality of man, self-government, and, deeper still, 
patriotism and love of country, and their converse, 
the desire of independence from the foreigner. The 
very ideas that Europeans disseminate to any oriental 
people may turn against them, and a partially-Angli- 
cised Egypt rises against the rulers its oriental fathers 
welcomed. So it is with the Polish Jews. 

It is sometimes said assimilation will cure 

this. Polish- Jewish quarrel. Full assimilation 
will, in the sense of the assimilated Jews, a very 
small number who are completely Polish, and 
hardly Jewish, even in religion ; but what may 
be called the semi-assimilation of the larger 
masses of East Jews is the very cause of the 
evil. When the Orthodox Jew puts aside his 
black cap and begins to wear a European bowler 
on the top of his head, there comes inside his 
head new European ideas, that he wants a coun- 
try of his own, made of men of his own race, 
religion, and language, and not of Poles ; and 
that he will not be treated as a native, an 
inferior race. Why should he, if his new les- 
son is that all men are equal? 

But the Poles are more unfortunate than we. 
There is no abstract European, 'here are only 
particular nations. The Nationalists of our 
Eastern Empire are at least only Anglicised: 
Sir Rabindranath Tagore denounces English 
culture only in the most exquisite English; the 
very act of repudiation is a homage to what 
he repudiates. But Jews in Poland have not 
only been Polonised, they have been Russified 
and Germanised. So that the Jews appear to 
the Poles as the representatives of their op- 

For education is, of course, the easiest road 
to European civilisation, and it is a road that 
the Jews follow with a passionate eagprness. 
For even at the lowest level, even the Orthodox 
are educated ; otherwise they cannot be Ortho- 
dox, the ideal of piety being, not an ideal of 
conduct, as, for example, asceticism, but an 
ideal of erudition, knowledge of Torah and Tal- 
mud. They are the people of the Book; All 
Jews can, and must, read and write and have 
been an educated people (though educated, per- 
haps, in what was not worth knowing) for 
scores of centuries. A very large percentage of 
Poles is illiterate. The neat, pretty house of the 
Polish farmer is bookless ; the village Jew lives 
in barbarous filth, but he has his Hebrew books 
to read as much as he can, and the Chassidim 
saint is the man who pores over them all day 
while his wife attends to the shop. When the 
Jew is Europeanised he transfers the allegiance 
he had to Torah and Talmud over to educa- 
tional text books and becomes the fanatic of 
education. This paradox, that while an infe- 
rior culture (I deprecate all intention of of- 
fence), they are an educated people, explains : — 

Firstly, why Jews were largely Russianised. 
In Russian Poland Russian was taught in 
schools, not Polish. Even when a Jew went to 
a Polish school he only learnt Russian. There 
are many Jews in Poland who know three lan- 
guages, Hebrew*^ Yiddish and Russian, but 
no Polish. 

Secondly, why the Jews, especially the wealth- 
ier, are still more Germanised. Russian Poland 
had an inefficient and defective educational sys- 
tem. Tsarism being opposed to all education, 
especially to that of Jews. Germany, next door. 


offered the Jews, if not the best system in the 
world, the best at the price. As Yiddish is a 
German jargon, it was easy to take advantage 
of it, and all Jews who could afford it have 
sent their children there for the last century. 
The result is that the East Jews are the rnost 
Germanised — though not pro-German — society 
I have ever met outside Germany, and the Poles 
say "Once a Jew, always a German." 

Thirdly, why the Jews play so large a part 
in Bolshevism. Bolshevism requires a vast ad- 
ministration and propaganda, which in turn re- 
quire that men shall at least be able to read and 
write. But in the proletariat of Eastern Europe 
only the Jews possess these accomplishments, 
and therefore the administrators and propa- 
gandists of Bolshevism must necessarily be 
Jews. So much so that Bolshevism appears 
at times to be almost purely a Jewish move- 
ment. But the Commission had the oppor- 
tunity of studying it very close at hand on 
the Eastern frontier, and in that part of the 
world at least this was certainly not the case. 

The Nationalist movement, though the full and con- 
scious expression of this movement as a party pro- 
gramme is quite late, is one great root of the dispute 
between the Jews and the Poles. The other great 
root was that not only have the Jews grown modem 
in the nineteenth century, but the Poles have too. 
Their social life was once as mediaeval as their political 
life. Just as their ancestors had been knights and 
ploughmen, they remained landed proprietors and 
peasants. But towards the end of the nineteenth cen- 
tury — especially in Russian and Prussian Poland, 
where they were excluded from all offices — they took 
to business and began to trench upon the Jewish mo- 
nopoly. This is the other great root of the dispute. 
This struck the Jews upon their sensitive nerve, their 
love of money aggravated by centuries of exclusive 
enjoyment, just as the Jewish Nationalist movement 
struck the Poles upon their sensitive nerve, national 
and racial pride, exasperated by a century of oppres- 
sion. This economic change was fiercely resented by 
the Jews, and very often by criminal means such as 
arson. The co-operative Polish societies in the coun- 
try which displaced the local Jewish dealers were often 
attacked; one of the Jewish Nationalist leaders bit- 
terly denounced the Poles to the Commission, because, 
as he said, a generation ago the Poles had none of the 
business of their own country, but now they had at 
least twenty per cent. So much does the past rule the 
present; Jews and Poles, modern though they may be, 
consider their old privileges as natural rights. The Jew 
claims a right to all the profits, and the Pole to kick 
the Jew whenever he feels the inclination. 

The Feud Between the Jews and the Poles 

Though the Tsarist policy, in Poland as elsewhere, 
was to set one race against another, during the nine- 
teenth century their relations were not strained, and 
the Jews fought with the Poles in the last insurrec- 
tion of 1863. It was only twenty years ago that the 
quarrel began and the excesses brought to the notice 

of the Commission flow from this quarrel. As soon as 
the two races were released from the pressure of a 
foreign conqueror at the Amiistice the Poles flew at 
the Jews. 

The Tsarist Government drove the Jews out 
of Russia and tried to make "one great ghetto 
of Poland." The Russian Jews were particu- 
larly rich, "the Litwaki" as they are called, and 
much more enterprising and intelligent than the 
Polish Jews. The Tsarist Government in pur- 
suance of its invariable policy, favoured the 
same Jews in Poland whom it persecuted in 
Russia. For example, Jews were forbidden to 
own rural land in Russia; but in Poland, the 
Russian banks lent them money on extrav- 
agantly favourable terms so that real estate in 
Warsaw is largely Jewish. The Litwaki openly 
professed themselves the partisans of conquer- 
ing Russia deliberately talked Russian, and still 
do to Poles, most offensively I thought; and 
organised the Polish Jews — who at first were 
adverse to them — as a separate body. The 
beginning of the movement is clearly marked 
by the foundation of the Jewish press, for a 
new press means a new point of view. This 
press set to work openly to fight against Polish 

It is easy enough — after the event — to blame the 
Jews for being on the Russian side. But why should 
they not have been? The Polish Jews are not Poles; 
they are Jews. The Peace Conference may make them 
Poles in 1919; but the Congress of Vienna in 1815 
made them Russians. It is a pity they cannot always 
switch from one to the other to suit the decisions of 
statesmen, and after being good Russians for the 
nineteenth, become good Poles for the twentieth cen- 
tury, but it is excusable. 

The attachment of a great number of 'Jews in 
Poland to Russia is sincere, no less than the attach- 
ment of many to the soil of Poland, where they can 
trace their descent for centuries. But Russia is the 
promised land for most Jews; their material home 
as much as Germany is their spiritual home. It is a 
rich land where wealth can be reaped in sheaves 
without a struggle, instead of a poor land like Poland 
where it can only be gleaned with difficulty. It is a 
land where the Government may be hostile, but the 
people are not unfriendly. If Russia is opened to 
the Jews, the Polish Jewish question may solve itself ; 
the Jews who were pumped into Poland by the Tsarist 
Government will stream back there and now sweep 
along with them very many of the Polish Jews. 

The Poles answered this Russian movement by the 
anti-Semitic movement, orgianisfed by Mr. Roman 
Dmowski. The Polish press became anti-Semitic and 
attacked the Jews, and has continued to do so with 
incredible violence. The worst anti-Semitic agitation, 
say, for example, a section of the French press during 
the Dreyfus case, is a breath next to this storm, 
which blows and rages uninterraittently and ex- 
presses as much as it excites the hatred of the Poles. 
All evil, from the loss of Danzig to the large blue 
flies in the butchers's shops, comes from Jews, and 


all Jews are evil, usurers, bloodsucRers, corruptors, 
traitors, swindlers,^ liars, profiteers, ritual murderers, 
blackmailers, assassins and Bolsheviks. Variations 
on these themes crash every day from the whole 
orchestra of the Polish press. The Commission had 
some experience of it in the bucketful of abuse that 
was poured on Sir Stuart Samuel as a Jew, and which 
he received with perfect equanimity. 

Meanwhile the separatism of the Jews — not the 
Orthodox, who have never cared at all about politics — 
took shape in the formation of the Zionist or Nation- 
alist Jewish Party, which includes the majority of 
the Europeanised Jews. 

At present the doctrine of the Zionists or Nation- 
alists (the names are interchangeable) is "We Jews 
have race, religion and language (though which 
language. Yiddish or Hebrew, we are not quite sure) 
therefore we are a nation. All we need is a coqntry. 
Our country is Palestine and until we can have it as 
a national home we want to be organised as a nation in 
Poland. Being tolerant and up to date Jews can 
be strict or lax, as they please, and, unlike the Orth- 
odox, we cannot think it a sin to write a letter on the 
Sabbath or to eat lobster at lunch." Their party 
programme in Poland is to have all Jews on a separate 
register. The Jews thus registered are to elect a 
representative body of Jews, with extensive powers of 
legislation and taxation; e.g., it could tax for purposes 
of emigration. This body to be handed over by the 
Polish State, a proportionate amount of money to 
spend on Jewish charitable and financial institutions. 
Besides this separate organisation, a number of seats 
proportionate to their numbers to be set aside in every 
local and in the national legislature. A sixth or a 
seventh of the Polish Diet to be occupied only by Jews 
to be elected only by Jews. Some Jews also demand 
separate law courts, or at least the , right to use 
Yiddish as well as Polish in legal proceedings. This is 
the practical programme, but the ambitions of the 
advanced section' is the national personal autonomy 
granted in the Ukraine by one of the ephemeral 
governments of the Ukraine, the Ukrainian Central 
Rada, on 9th January, 1918, and called the Statute of 
National Personal Autonomy, of which I have a copy. 
It organises the Jews as a nation with full sovereign 
powers; the Ukrainian banknotes were printed in 
Yiddish as well as in Ukrainian. 

If the Jews in England — after multiplymg their 
Aumbers by twenty or thirty — demanded that the 
Jewish Board of Guardians should have extensive 
powers, including the right to tax for purposes of 
emigration, and that a separate number of seats should 
be set aside in the London County Council, the Man- 
chester Town Council, the House of Commons, and 
the House of Lords, to be occupied only by Jews 
chosen by Jews; that the President of the Board of 
Education should hand over yearly to the Jews sums 
proportionate to their numbers; if some were to 
demand the right to have separate Jewish law courts, 
or at least to be allowed to use Yiddish as well as 
English in the King's Bench and Chancery Division; 
if the most advanced even looked forward to a time 
when Bank of England notes were to be printed in 
Yiddish as well as in English, then they might well 

find public opinion, even in England, less well disposed 
to them. If West Jews are more welcome than East 
Jews in the countries where they find themselves, 
they also have smaller pretensions. 

In 1912 the dispute between Poles and Jews, assidu- 
ously encouraged by the Tsarist authorities, came to 
an issue in the Duma elections. The Warsaw Jews, 
by a neat but perfectly legitimate manoeuvre, got 
control of the elections, and, with sardonic humor, 
returned to the Duma a member of such a kind that 
whenever the representative of the capital of Poland 
got on his feet the Duma roared with laughter. The 
exasperated Poles retorted with a national boycott on 
business with the Jews. It was the only way the 
Poles, as a subject race, could attack another subject 
race, the Jews. The Polish co-operative societies in 
the country had already hit the Jewish country dealers 
hcird; another motive was now added for supporting 
and extending them. In town every effort — ^but with 
little success — was made to put Jewish shops and 
merchants out of business. For example, a Jewish 
chemist would find his customers hooted by small 
crowds outside his shop, or his customers would find 
that small notices had been pinned to their clothes as 
friends of the Jews. His wholesale firm would tell 
him that Polish physicians had written threatening 
not to recommend the products of their firm if they 
supplied him with goods. Polish newspapers published 
the names of those who sold land to Jews, and they 
were ostracised. A sort of boycott still continues, 
and undoubted instances were laid before the Com- 
mission. But now the Poles are in power they have 
other arms to attack them with, and therefore rely 
less or little on the boycott as it was. 

But the high day and triumph of the Jews 
was during the German occupation. The Jews 
in Poland are deeply Germanised, and German 
carries you over Poland because Jews are every- 
where. So the Germans found everywhere 
people who knew their language and could 
work for them. It was with Jews that the 
Germans set up their organisation to squeeze 
and drain Poland — Poles and Jews included — 
of everything it had ; it was in concert with 
Jews that German officials and officers towards 
the end carried on business all over the country. 
In every department and region they were the 
instruments of the Germans, and poor Jews 
grew rich and lordly as the servants of the 
masters. But though Germanised, the accusa- 
tions of the Poles that the Jews are devoted 
to Germany is unfounded — just as unfounded 
as the charge, so often made in the English 
press by Poles, that all the troubles between 
them and the Jews are tricks and inventions of 
the Germans. They have no more loyalty to 
Germany — the home of anti-Semitism — ^than to 
Poland. The East Jews are Jews and only 
Jews. But this is too fine a distinction for the 
ordinary Pole, who looks on all Jews as the 
allies of his worst enemy — "once a Jew, always 
a German." But the Jewish political leaders 
never went to Berlin to pay their court to the 
Kaiser like so many Polish party leaders and 


grandees, lay and clerical. The Jews, and 
especially those to whom it was so profitable, 
naturally welcomed the arrival of the Germans, 
and at the Armistice there were Jewish demon- 
strations in favour of the Germans and against 
the "Polish goose," as they termed the newly- 
arisen Polish White Eagle. The very day the 
German garrison was disarmed, in November 
1918, the excesses against the Jews began all 
over Warsaw ; everywhere assaults on them 
took place. 

It had seemed certain that one of two, the 
German or the Russian Empire, must win, and 
that the Jews, who had their money on both, 
were safe; but the despised Poland came in 
first. Even now the Jews can hardly believe 
■ in its resurrection, and one of them told me 
it still seemed to him a dream. 

The Excesses of the Last Year 

The events of the last twenty years' had 
brought the Poles to look upon the Jews as 
national enemies, with an abhorrence almost 
as furious as we ever looked upon the Germans 
during the war. In November, 1918, the Poles 
became independent again, but independent 
without a government, which still had to be 
created. Given a hated minority, and given 
an absence of government, could it be other- 
wise than that such a minority should suffer? 
The Jews have suffered very very much dur- 
ing the last year, and unfortunately there is no 
exact measure of suffering. However, I esti- 
mate that not more than 200 or 300 have been 
unjustly killed. One would be too many, but, 
taking these casualties as a standard with 
which to measure the excesses committed 
against them, I am more astonished at their 
smallness than their greatness. 

At least a hundred times as many have been 
slaughtered during the same period in the 
Ukraine, and perhaps quite as many in Hun- 
gary or Czecho-Slovakia. I think the ex- 
planation of this smallness is to be found in 
the explanation of an undoubted and para- 
doxical fact which strikes everyone. 

The worst offenders are soldiers, and the worst 
soldiers in this respect are those of General Haller's 
aiTny, which was lari^ely recruited in America, and 
next to them the Posnanians or German Poles. So 
the real Polish soldier is the least guilty, and the 
most are the soldiers who come from the educated, 
progressive countries, especially America, which has 
been the first to protest against these excesses. 

Poland is a peasant country, and the Polish soldier 
is a peasant in uniform; these peasants are too illiter- 
ate to be touched very deeply by anti-Semitism, and 
have lived too long with the Jews not to know him 
quite well and that he is not always what he is now 
said to be. But American and German Poles, coming 
into this atmosphere of hatred, are inflamed by it. 
They take the rhetoric as the exact truth. For them 
the Jew is what they are told he is. 

Herein, I think, lies the explanation of why the 
excesses have been so small. In a nation of pea- 
sants, the peasants (though by no means attached to 
the Jews) are not really hostile. What the Polish 
peasant soldier likes is taking from the Jew the 
money or property which the Jew has so long ex- 
tracted from him. Hustling a Jew at a railway 
station means going through his pockets. Nowhere 
except, owing to special causes, in Galicia, have there 
been peasant risings against the Jews. In Ukraine 
there were, and thousands have been massacred. This 
accounts for the small number of deaths in Poland. 

The violent excesses are the work of towns, but 
chiefly of soldiers. The leader of the Jewish Party 
in the Diet distinguishes between "pogroms and ex- 
cesses in many cities and towns of the eastern ter- 
ritories occupied by the Polish larmy," and those 
"that have occurred in a weaker form in Poland, but 
not less insulting to Jewish national and human 
honour."^" This is a convenient division. One 
category is the alleged pogroms at Lemberg, Pinsk, 
Minsk, Lida, Vilna, and Cracow, and the other 
categftry the general attacks on the Jews. It is also 
convenient to examine the second category first. 

From November, 1918, onwards for many months 
there was no real Government in Poland; even old- 
fashioned crimes that- have died out, like highway 
robbery and outlaw bands, appeared again, and the 
shadowy Government that existed was far too busy 
with the ideals of democracy to bother with them. 
One force there was in Poland, the army, but that 
was a spontaneous creation anterior to the existence 
of government. It sprang, so to speak, from the 
soil of what had always been a warrior nation, and 
was, and is still, the most anti-Semitic bpdy in Poland. 

The army is anti-Semitic : — 

Firstly, because the Jews evade military service ; by 
bribery, desertion, or some other device they escape all 
service at the front. The formation of an army is 
the great achievement of Poland's first year, for the 
Poles have great martial and patriotic traditions, and 
their army has formed and maintained itself under 
conditions that would have dissolved most others. 
The Jews in Poland have little but commercial tradi- 
tions, and are not Poles. The Polish Tommy, how- 
ever, who has to stick it at the front without food or 
clothes, in the torturing cold of the Russian winter, 
is not likely to enter into these philosophical considera- 
tions. All he knows is that the Jew gets off. 

Secondly: the officers are drawn from the most 
anti-Semitic class, the nobles and the intelligentsia. 

Thirdly: Anti-Semitism is covertly but assiduously 
encouraged as a protection against Bolshevism. 

The connection between Jews and Bolshev- 
ism is a highly controversial topic. The Com- 
mission had however the opportunity of study- 
ing it at first hand in the Eastern territories 
which had been in the hands of the Bolsheviks 
for a few months. There the administration 
and propaganda, for reasons I have already 
mentioned, was largely Jewish; but it was also, 
and especially its leaders, Polish. . The attrac- 
tions of Bolshevism are little theoretical. 


Bolshevism spells business for poor Jews; in- 
numerable posts in a huge administration ; end- 
less regulations, therefore endless jobbery; big 
risks, for the Bolsheviks punish heavily, every 
offence being treated as a form of treason ; 'but 
big profits. The rich bourgeois Jew also 
manages to get on with it in his own way, "Jii- 
dische Weise" as the Jews call bribery. Many 
Jews who are by no means poor, try at the 
present time to escape into Russia, so fine are 
the business prospects. Such a desirable state 
of things must naturally have charms for the 
Jews in Poland, and in spite of repeated and 
constant accusations, the Jewish political 
leaders have never publicly repudiated Bol- 
shevism, from which I conclude that they must 
have many sympathisers with Bolshevism 
among their followers. But undoubtedly the 
Poles also take a large part in the movement. 
It. is difficult to form exact estimates, and I* 
am not certain of my conclusions. But while 
the Commission was in Warsaw, a ready-made 
Bolshevik Goverment, prepared to begin opera- 
tions, was arrested there. Of the nine mem- 
bers, five were Polish, one Russian, and three 
Jewish. I thought this might perhaps fur- 
nish, the basis of a calculation. The Jews 
are not more than one-sixth of the popu- 
lation, but had one-third of this ready-made 
Government. That was twice their fair share, 
and I think this is generally their share of 

But whatever the truth is (and I am far from 
certain I have reached it), the average Pole and espe- 
cially the army, looks on Bolshevism as an entirely 
Jewish invention and affair. The soldiers themselves 
on the Bolshevik front make Jews taste the food Jews 
I set before them before daring to eat it, for fear of ■ 
poison. They therefore close their ears to the Bol- 
shevik agitator, as either a Jew or- an emissary of the 
Jews, and the anti-Semitic leaders believe that anti- 
Semiticism has been the shield of Poland against 
Bolshevism. It is certainly remarkable that Poland 
is the country where general conditions favour Bol- 
shevism most, and where it has succeeded least. The 
officers naturally encourage these sentiments, for the 
murder of officers is usually one of the first measures 
of Bolshevism. 

The use made of anti-Semitism was very interest- 
ing in an .alleged pogrom of Jews at Lodz brought to 
our notice soon after our arrival. On receiving 
complaints, very exaggerated complaints, of very 
horrible doings we went ourselves to Lodz and found 
the course of events was something like this. A very 
serious unemployment riot, instigated by Russian 
Bolshevik emissaries, had taken place ; in a conflict be- 
tween the police and the rioters, the police had been 
defeated and lost as many as six killed. The authori- 
ties had felt uncertain of the military, and had not 
dared to use them. In this difficulty rumours were 
spread in barracks that the riot was a Jewish one, 
though in fact it had been no more Jewish than 
Christian, with the result that in the evening a great 

many assaults on Jews by soldiers took place in the 
Tewish quarter. The anti-Semitic rumor turned the 

This imputation or suspicion of Bolshevism, whether 
true or not, weighs heavily on the Jews ; it is a justifica- 
tion or pretext for every violence and every exaction, 
house-searching or arrest or imprisonment, and was 
the answer, genuine or fictitious, to the majority of 
complaints made to us. 

Sweeping generalisations are easily exceptional, but 
they are unavoidable, and I think it a true one to say 
of this category of excesses: — 

Firstly : that the excesses have mostly come form 
the soldiers or the gendarmerie ; roughs and civilian 
crowds join in, and educated Poles look on and ap- 
plaud. I saw myself a Jew arrested and a whole crowd 
of soldiers and boys start kicking and cuffing him. 
This incident, I think, evidently disclosed the principle : 
if anyone lays hands on a Jew — legally or illegally — 
everyone else will willingly assist or connive. 

Secondly: that they have steadily diminished; from 
November to April was the worst period, but in 
spite of great improvement they are still not un- 

From November 1918 to April 1919, one might al- 
most say that the Jews were outlawed, if there had 
been much law. But there was not much law for 
anyone, and for the Jews only very much less than for 
anyone else. 

These excesses were what we call assaults and bat- 
teries. They would range from rough horse-play; es- 
pecially on railroads and stations, to blows and some- 
times very severe beatings. Sometimes, of course, the 
most violent assaults, as throwing a Jew out of a 
moving train, would lead to death. In out of the way 
places there must have been some murders, and in 
some cases outrages on women and murders. For this 
first period it is difficult to judge; though rare, there 
were certainly some crimes of this sort. 

Overcrowded trains and soldiers on leave travelling 
were the most ordinary occasions, but the same sort 
of thing took place extensively in the streets on very 
slight pretexts. Beard cutting was an almost universal 
sport and still goes on largely, though this is often 
treated as mere rough fun. But the long beard worn 
by the Orthodox Jew, though ridiculous to others, has 
a semi-religious meaning to him and is worn in ac- 
cordance with Talmudic precepts, and his religious 
convictions are entitled to respect as much as those 
of anyone else. 

The assaults were accompanied by a great deal of 
pilfering, robbery and petty blackmail: frorn fright- 
ening an elderly Jew at a railway station into emptying 
his pockets, to entering Jewish shops and pillaging 
them. I am inclined to look on this as the main 

In the military zone all these evils existed in a far 
worse form. In big towns, mostly Jewish, the troops 
were more careful. Even there, in capitals like Lem- 
berg, pillaging and blackmailing went on incessantly. 
But in out of the way places, chiefly under the pretext 
of forced labour, they very often reduced the Jews 
to a state of slavery. Conditions varied with the 
temper of the officers. 


The Polish army has been quite unprovided; <even 
now they have not got great-coats for the winter, 
and it is common enough for men to desert, steal some 
clothes and join again. They have been compelled to 
help themselves from everyone, and naturally they 
have done so from the Jews more than from anyone 
else. The Polish Tommy looks on plunder as part of 
the routine of military life. They are very fond of 
being photographed with a glass of wine in one hand 
next to a table loaded with plundered rouble notes. 
The Mission has several of these photographs; honest 
yokel faces, quite unconscious of wrong-doing. 

It is very difficult to come to an exact and general 
statement. Perhaps during this period this one would 
be true on one side: — 

Polish soldiers are compelled by necessity to fall 
into bad habits at the front. All troops, even those 
with good habits, are difficult to keep in order when 
away from the front. Polish troops are proportion- 
ately difficult to keep in order when away from the 
front. In both places the Jews suffered more if not 

They suffered still more in Russian Poland at the 
hands of the gendarmerie, the military police, very un- 
derpaid and armed with great powers. A British 
Police Mission is at present in Warsaw advising the 
Polish Government; this is an admission that the 
condition of the police was not satisfactory. But I 
say very deliberately, and relying on Polish, not Jew- 
ish evidence, that the conduct of the gendarmerie was 
such that in many parts of Poland they exercised a 
kind of brigandage. The best that can be said of them 
is that, as brigands, they endured no competition, and 
showed very great courage and skill in keeping order, 
especially against the Bolshevik agitators, who infested 
Poland, and who were very determined and bold. The 
whole population suffered from the gendarmerie, and 
they treated the Jews as prey who must always pay 
up, on every possible pretext, and who were lucky to, 
escape without a broken head. Some, but not many, 
deaths must be put to their account. 

In the case of civilians, soldiers, and gendarmerie 
it was the habit of the Poles to insult Jews of every 
kind, including perfectly innnocent Jewish ladies, in 
public places. This fashion was that of the Polish 
ladies and gentlemen as it was of the common people. 

During this first period the authorities, such as they 
were, exerted themselves but little. The great com-- 
plaint of the Jews is not so much what was inflicted 
on them as the constant consciousness that they had 
no legal protection. 

During the second period, from April on- 
wards, the condition of the Jews has steadily 
and rapidly improved. Tfie state of affairs I 
have described exists in a very diminished 
degree at present: to what extent it is very 
difficult to determine exactly. Hearing com- 
plaints is very like having a bell rung within an 
inch of one's ear: it becomes difficult to deter- 
mine how great the sound really is. In what 
was Russian Poland the Jews have legal protec- 
tion, but not to the extent to which they are 
naturally entitled or to which the treaty creat- 
ing Poland gives them. Some very grave — but 

quite rare— failures of justice (what, in effect, 
were unpunished murder or attempted murder) 
were brought to the notice of the Commission. 
The "prejudice," as English lawyers say, is 
■ always very strong against the Jews. In 
criminal and civil justice, in the exercise of any 
authority whatever, the law, when in their 
favour, is enforced reluctantly and slackly, and 
very often not at all ; when it is against them, 
it is enforced promptly and rigorously. The 
higher you go the better is the treatment, and 
the lower you go, the worse is the treatment. 
They are not treated fairly, even in the matter 
of their legal rights ; but they are far from per- 
secuted. Neither have they the full police pro- 
tection to which they are entitled. I limit these 
remarks to Russian Poland. Even now, if I 
were an Orthodox Jew, long-bearded and black- 
coated, and found myself in the same train as a 
party of soldiers, I should travel — as even the 
most reverend orthodox Rabbis do — under the 

The authorities still have the greatest diffi- 
culty in enforcing order in all cases, so much 
does the anarchy of the last few years still 
prevail. At Brest-Litovsk no less than three 
companies armed with ball cartridge, and not 
less than six machine guns, surrounded our 
train to arrest two soldiers who had stolen two 
fur coats. A non-commissioned officer and 
a few men could do it elsewhere. 

The instructions given to the Commission order it 
to adjudicate on the degree of responsibility attach- 
ing to the Polish Government for these excesses, and 
on this point the instructions are peremptory. 

The responsibility of the Government may be fixed 
by these considerations. 

In what was Austrian Poland, where the Poles have 
long had a sort of autonomy under the Hapsburgs, 
and where the administration thus built up under ex- 
cellent traditions exists, few complaints of excesses 
at the present time have reached us. The complaints 
all come from Russian Poland, where the Poles were 
always excluded from government and where an ad- 
ministration was built up under the Tsarist tradi- 
tions. It is either with inexperienced Poles or Poles 
trained in these Tsarist conditions that the present 
Government has to work. Therefore the first consid- 
eration is that it has not had the proper instruments. 

Poland as yet has got no frontiers, no single 
system of currency, or law, hardly any system 
of taxation, and though ruined by five years' 
warfare on its territory, has to carry on an 
onerous war. The Government has far greater 
problems than the Jewish problem, and has 
never really grappled with it. The second con- 
sideration is that it has hardly had the op- 

The Government has inflicted a good deal, though 
an insufficient amount, "of punishment; these punish- 
ments it has never published, for fear of Polish public 
opinion. This, I think, discloses its real attitude. It 


would like to stop these disorders, but it runs the risk 
of being upset if it does. Any measure that can be 
construed into favoring the Jews exposes it to attack, 
and the JewS could never have been completely de- 
fended without special measures. Poland has been 
endowed with the infallible blessings of democratic 
institutions, and, as long as it possesses them, its 
Government cannot be required openly to defy the 
v/ill of the Polish people; indeed, it would violate the 
very first principle of its constitution if it did. The 
third consideration, therefore, is that the Government 
has hardly had the power. 

The responsibility for the excesses against the Jews 
falls most of all on the Polish intelligentsia, the edu- 
cated, well-to-do class; then next, but less, on the 
masses. But last of all on the Government, which, 
since the spring, has with earnest, though insufficient, 
exertions tried to stop these excesses. 

The Alleged Pogroms 

The second category of excesses are the alleged 
pc>groms at Lemberg, Pinsk, Lida, Vilna, and Cracow. 
The account I read of these seemed to be, after enquir- 
ing into them, mixtures of rhetoric and evidence, so 
perhaps the best method is to make a bare finding of 


In the beginning of November, 1918, the Ukrainian 
forces, a small body of men, entered Lemberg. In 
Ukrainia the peasantry, who were Ukrainian, had 
massacred the landlords, who were Polish, and the 
greatest mutual hate prevailed. The Jews of Lem- 
berg, numbering 60,000, acknowledged the Ukrainians, 
and treated them as masters of the town. When the 
German troops revolted all over Poland at the time 
of the Armistice, and the whole edifice of German 
organisation fell to the ground in a day, a few Polish 
officers, a Major A. and others, raised a small vol- 
unteer force in Lemberg numbering between 1,000 
and 2,000, which was composed of boys, roughs, and 
criminals, and even women in uniform. For nearly 
a fortnight they fought in the streets against the 
Ukrainians and, on the arrival of a similar force 
similarly raised by General B. from Cracow, drove the 
Ukrainians out of the town. This was really a 
splendid feat of arms. 

During this struggle the Jews proclaimed 
themselves neutral ; but, thoi^h I do not think 
they gave any armed assistance to the Ukrai- 
nians, their neutrality was highly benevolent 
to the Ukrainians and probably helpful. They 
thought the Ukrainians would win. 

Major A. and General B. only kept their scratch 
armies of 2,000 or 3,000 together by promising them 
forty-eight hours' plunder of the Jews. I am inclined 
to think that of three-score Jews murdered during this 
period, some at least were killed by accident in the 
street fighting, but at least the majority were mur- 
dered, and these murders were accompanied by a 
proportionate amount of robbery and outrage. On 

the second day these troops unfortunately found a 
petrol store in the Jewish quarter, and used it to burn 
the quarter down. 

Some of the murders were committed because some 
of the soldiers were criminals. One motive, however, 
both of the murders and the burning, was genuiiie 
fear of this vast Jewish population surrounding this 
small body of Poles. 

A large number of the civilian population of Lem- 
berg, wealthy, middle-class people, joined in the plun- 
der of the Jewish shops. 


A Polish officer. Major C, found himself last 
spring in occupation of the town proper. He had only 
a very small detachment of men; the Russian Bol- 
sheviks had only just been driven out, and their lines 
were quite close. The Jewish population of Pinsk 
showed a great deal of coldness towards Major C, 
who was suspicious of their relations with the Bol- 
sheviks, and, I think both irritated and anxious; he 
had posted proclamations that any unauthorised meet- 
ing would be punished by death. 

On a Saturday afternoon, the Zionist Co-operative 
organisation had a perfectly proper, authorised busi- 
ness meeting. This meeting took place in the offices of 
the Zionist organisation, which is very anti-Polish. 
After the meeting had ended and been formally closed, 
a great many members of the Co-operative association 
remained in the same room talking together: other 
members of the Zionist organisation, including ladies, 
were in the rooms at the same time. This collection 
of people must have presented the appearance of a 
meeting, and I think the members remaining in one 
room were numerous enough technically to constitute 
a meeting. There was some insolence in this and the 
previous behaviour of the Jews: Sir Stuart Samuel 
pointed out to the witnesses that their authorised 
meeting itself had been a breach of the Sabbath and 
therefore a grave religious offense. 

Polish soldiers and gendarmerie who hjad been 
pressing for forced labour, and probably using this as 
a blackmailing pretext, entered the building (I am not 
sure whether by accident or owing to a previous de- 
nunciation) and arrested and searched those present. 
They no doubt obtained a considerable amount of 
money for themselves in this search. They then took 
50 or 60 in number to the headquarters of Major C. 
and reported that they had arrested the members of 
an unauthorised Jewish Bolshevik meeting. Major 
C, who had almost at the same hour heard of a Bol- 
shevik success near the town, and was preparing to 
evacuate it, gave orders for their immediate execution. 
This was done without trial of any sort and even with- 
out taking their names. One person at least of those 
executed had been swept into the crowd of prisoners 
by accident in the street. The whole incident only 
took two or three hours. 

Owing to an accident the Commission did not 
see Major C, but I think, though he acted with 
great brutality, a court must have acquitted him as 
being within his strict rights. Real fear was one 


of his motives. But, on the other hand, he would 
hardly have acted with such promptitude if others 
than jews had been in question. 

The gendarmerie who made the arrests and re- 
ported that they had found a Jewish Bolshevik 
meeting were chieily responsible; their motive was 
no doubt to avoid answering for the money they 
had obtained in the search. Their subsequent con- 
duct was even worse. The Jewish ladies arrested, 
but exempted from the execution, were kept in 
prison without trial and enquiry. They were 
stripped naked and flogged. After the flogging they 
were made to pass naked down a passage full of 
Polish soldiers. The Jews arrested, but excepted 
from the execution, were next day led to the ceme- 
tery where those executed were buried, and made 
to dig their own graves, then, at the last moment, 
they were told they were reprieved ; in fact, the 
gendarmerie regularly tormented the survivors. 

We were informed, but have no exact information, 
that the heads of this gendarmerie were subsequent- 
ly found guilty of various crimes. 

The victims were respectable lower middle-class 
people, school teachers, and such like. 

Lida, Vilna, Minsk 

These towns were all stormed by the Polish 
troops, who drove out the Bolsheviks; Lida and 
Vilna in April, Minsk in July. The Bolsheviks 
occupied them all from almost the beginning of the 
year. The Bolshevik administration in all of them 
was directed by Poles, but the Jews tooks their 
usual large part in the Bolshevik administration, 
and the Jewish population was, in consequence, as 
usual, favoured or managed to get favoured ("Jud- 
ischer Weise," as the Jews call bribery). The Bol- 
shevik chariot was drawn neither by terror nor by 
plunder : there were no executions except military 
executions of deserters by the Chinese executioners. 
The Bolshevik administration was a parody of the 
Tsarist administration, which itself was little better 
than a parody. I think it was probably a good ex- 
ample of Bolshevik rule when it is not frightened 
into showing its teeth and claws. 

In Lida and Vilna the Jews who, of course, are 
Litwaki in the eastern regions, were very well dis- 
posed to the Bolsheviks because they were Rus- 
sian: any Russian Government, even the worst, 
rather than Polish Government, even the best. But 
nowhere in any of these three towns was there any 
organised resistance by the Jewish community, 
who in Vilna number more than 60,000, to the Po- 
lish troops. In Minsk the}' were less well disposed 
to the Bolsheviks', for the Bolsheviks had been there 
three months longer, and they had begun to experi- 
ence the usual efifects of Bolshevism in towns — 
nothing to eat. 

Both in Lida and Vilna the Bolsheviks had or- 
ganized small "garrison guards," a small local Bol- 
shevik garrison. Young Jews had largely joined 
this because the garrison guards had such excellent 
opportunities of doing business, especially dealing 

and speculating in food. In both Lida and Vilna 
these Jews of the garrison guards fought, and fought 
hard, against the Polish troops. 

Lida was taken first. A small detachment of 
Polish troops entered the town, did some fighting 
and plundering, and retreated. Before the Poles 
could arrive in. force the next day the Bolsheviks 
evacuated the town, but the garrison guard which 
remained fought the Poles. Lida has a population 
of 12,000, of which 8,000 are Jews. When the Poles 
arrived in force they plunde;red the town : more 
than 30 non-combatant Jews were killed— among 
them a considerable allowance must be made for 
those killed by accident in street fighting. Others, 
quite innocent, were made responsible for the shots 
fired from their houses, and executed ; and others, 
equalh- innocent, murdered. The same allocation 
of deaths must be made in Vilna, where the total 
number was more than twice as high. I am inclined 
to think the Polish troops started plundering as 
soon as they entered Lida on both days. The plun- 
dering was accompanied by a great deal of violence 
and brutality. In billets at Lida — but not during 
the fighting — a Polish soldier was murdered by a 
Jew, and with those horrible mutilations practised 
by Jewish Chassidim murderers and which is one 
of the many ways in which they do not seem to be 

This murder and the resistance of the garrison 
guarxl had very much excited the Polish troops, who 
surprised Vilna a few days later and drove out the 
Bolsheviks. The events of Lida were repeated, but 
on a very great scale and with much greater fury. 
There can be no doubt, in spite of the perfectly sin- 
cere denials of the leaders of the Jewish community, 
that many Jews fought with the Bolsheviks as they 
were retreating. The Polish military authorities 
were genuinely alarmed, and believed they were 
threatened by the whole of this vast Jewish popu- 
lation, as their arrest of several thousand Jews, 
some of whom are still interned, shows. There can 
be no less doubt that the majority of the Jews sum- 
marily executed, very often from genuine error, for 
having- fired on Polish troops or assisted the Bol- 
sheviks, were perfectly innocent. There was the 
same plundering, violence, and brutality as at Lida, 
but on a scale proportionate to the large Jewish 
population, and lasting about three days. 

At Lida, certainly, the military authorities subse- 
quently held enquiries, but, as might be expected, 
it was not possible to identify the murderers or exe- 

At Minsk, General Jadwin, of Mr. Morgenthau's 
Mission, was with the Poles, and special measures 
were taken by the Polish commanders. Further, 
the Jewish population had been longer under Bol- 
shevik rule and had learnt it meant no food. In 
spite of this several Jews were killed. 

But the behaviour of the Posnanian troops indi- 
cated the feelings of the Polish soldiers towards the 
Jews better than any general description. Knowing 
their habits the Polish Command had ordered them 
to pass right through the town without halting. 


This seemed to them so gross an infringement of 
their rights that they disobeyed orders, stopped in 
the market place, and plundered the Jewish shops. 


Though pogroms at Cracow were reported, this 
was not the case. The Jews, remembering Lem- 
berg, armed themselves and rather terrified every- 
one else. 

The death, execution, or murder of innocent peo- 
ple cannot be justified. But not even the military 
commanders can be made responsible for the events 
at Lida, Vilna, and Minsk. A strong Government 
might have sent Major C. (of Pinsk) to trial, but 
I think an impartial court must have acquitted him ; 
and a strong Government, disregarding the eminent 
services to Poland of Major A. and General B. (of 
Lemberg), might have taken disciplinary measures 
against them. I believe General B. was for a short 
time declared to be not responsible for his acts. 
But last winter, so far from there being a strong 
Government, there was no Government at all. 

It seems undesirable to use the word "pogrom," 
because the actual meaning of the word (whatever 
its etyrnology may be) implies direction or organ- 
isation by the .Government. Pogroms were mas- 
sacres of Jews instigated and arranged by the Rus- 
sian Government. 

Nevertheless, the murders of Lemberg are a 
shocking outrage, the disgusting cruelty of which 
is' not at all expressed in a bare finding of fact; and 
the Pinsk executions, in their harsh brutality, are 
little better. 

But the horrors of Bolshevism, the atrocities of 
the Ukrainian risings, and the brutalities of the 
struggles between the Germans and Russians — next 
to which these events are small and trivial — have 
dulled the consciences of men in Eastern Europe; 
they have supped full of horrors and can no longer 
be moved. Otherwise I am sure that the Poles 
themselves would have protested against these 

1 Future Condition of the Jews 

All these physical excesses will cease on demobili- 
sation : they are the effect of war, or of a state of 
war. And the more disgraceful manifestations of 
hatred to Jews in public will cease when strangers 
begin to come and go in the country; otherwise the 
Poles will get a bad reputation in the world. They 
will be shamed into behaving. 

But the situation of the Jews will hardly be a 
happier one. Every morning, an ordinary Jewish 
gentleman — in Warsaw very like what he is in Lon- 
don — reads papers that cover his race with con- 
tumely. He and his womenfolk never deal with 
Poles except to be treated with insolence, and his 
children come back from school with their ears 
ringing with abuse. Every independent Polish in- 
stitution, is as determined to oust the Jews-, the 
national enemy, as in England, we, during the war, 
were to oust the Germans. Jewish professors, how- 

ever able, have been turned out of universities; 
Jewish doctors, however famous, from hospitals. 
Every university, by some means or other, exerts 
itself to keep down its Jewish undergraduates to a 
minimum. Tramway companies will not have Jew- 
ish employes, and so on throughout the whole range 
of Polish life. The only body who does act fairly, 
and against whom no charges brought by the Jews 
were proved, is the Government, but even they do 
it more- or less secretly. In the matter of army 
contracts, trading, and import licenses, and so on, 
the very numerous accusations brought by the Jews 
were groundless. 

This is what I meant when I said that the Poles 
now had other means than the boycott : the boycott 
itself now wages less fiercely, because the lesson 
has been taught. The Poles do, not now want the 
lesson, and they do it naturally. 

The boycott now is, probably, what it always was. 
The Jews are middlemen, merchants, dealers, shop- 
keepers, and not producers. The bigger ones, the 
richer, who are mostly Europeanised, are protected 
by natural causes; they are too good at business, 
with their centuries of. business experience, to be 
affected by it, or feel the competition of the Poles. 
Boycotting then must always be an expensive pa- 
triotic luxury. But the smaller, the poorer, who are 
mostly Chassidim, can and are dispensed with, and 
suffer greatly from it. I will discuss their economic 
cohditiofi later. ' 

But with regard to the general position of the 
Jews in Poland, a broader and higher view must 
be taken. 

Poland will be mostly Polish, but not entirely; it 
will have many minorities : the Ruthenian, now pro- 
tected by a semi-autonomy; the Jews, aspiring to 
autonomy; the White Russian, still unconscious, 
but who one day may also dally with self-determi- 
nation — to say nothing of Germans and Lithuanians 
looking to their brethren across the frontier. It will 
be far from homogeneous. If a plebiscite were 
taken to-day in Warsaw, the capital of Poland, as 
to whether Warsaw should be Polish, yes or no, 
the answer might quite easily be no. 

These minorities it must reconcile : it is a condi- 
tion of its existence. It can only do so by giving 
them all a fair and strong Government. Other.wise 
it will be distracted in time of peace and deserted 
in time of war. As for the Jews, a powerful and just 
administration, in spite of an enduring social preju- 
dice, would make them loyal to Poland, which is 
what they are far from being now. The Chassidim, 
who act in accordance with the Talmudic maxim, 
"Pay not homage unto a new king," are only wait- 
ing to see whether the new king will last; and such 
an administration would take the wind right out of 
the sails of the Jewish Nationalist Party. 

There is a school of very eminent Polish politi- 
cians who think that these minorities can be either 
driven out Or bullied out of themselves, and this 
idea is really the source of anti-Semitism. But 
though persecution or emigration might largely dis- 
burden Poland of its Jews, and probably will, there 
will still be millions left. These statesmen, hovv- 


ever eminent, have not till now had any experience 
of affairs, because Poland has not till now become 
a State. But they will find that working on men 
is very different from working on paper and ink; 
that the Jews are supple but tough adversaries ; and 
that a race planted in Poland a thousand years, how- 
ever inconvenient, cannot be eradicated without a 
convulsion that would be almost fatal. 


The instructions given to the Commission enjoin 
them to report on the general economic condition 
of the Jews, and it is on this side that the Jews 
might really be given assistance. 

The great mass of poor Jews are Chassidim ; the 
wealthier are Europeanised and far more lax: for 
wealth rapidly destroys piety, and, lest I be thought 
flippant, I record that this observation is not my 
own, but that of the most eminent Rabbi in Warsaw. 
The Chassidim form an immense mass of squalid 
and helpless poverty, the existence of which would 
be a great problem, even if the relations of the Poles 
and Jews were perfectly harmonious. 

For these poor Jews are all dealers, as their 
ancestors have been for centuries : and for 
their particular kind of dealing, capitalists as 
they are with a capital of a few shillings, there 
is every year less and less room. The Jew in 
the country who lives by lending a few 
roubles to a peasant and taking a chicken as 
interest, or who buys a load of vegetables and 
resells them, or is a pedlar; the Jew in the 
town who is a hawker, a tout, or in some 
small middleman's business, these have great- 
er and greater difficulty in making a living. 
There must be millions of such in Poland. 
The co-operative society and store, and the 
bank drive them more and more out of busi- 
ness in the country, and more modern meth- 
ods of distribution in the town; and this is 
likely, now the economic development of Po- 
land is no longer to be artificially restricted, 
to go on faster and faster. It is they who 
suffer from the boycott, because it excludes 
them from all kinds of occupations — tramway 
employes, for example — of no great skill, 
which they are capable of following. And 
they cannot emigrate : how can they get a 
living in a foreign country when their sole 
means of livelihood is bargaining in Yiddish 
and Polish ? The best proof of this is the way 
they are sweated in semi-unskilled trades 
when they do emigrate. They are hardly ever 
producers : on this point everyone is agreed, 
and the Zionist Congress say the same as M 
Dmowski. Poor Jews cannot go into fac- 
tories, partly because of their Sabbatarian 

principles, partly because Polish workmen 
will not work with people whose personal 
habits are so unclean. When they are arti- 
sans they are unskilled, or almost unskilled: 
cheap tailors or similar trades. The result is 
that in towns it is they who fill the sweating 
dens, as sweaters or sweated, and as such are 
familiar to us, because they play the same 
piteous part in the East End of London. 
Furthermore, they are also driven into all 
sorts of illicit or fraudulent practices, and I 
think the Poles are right when they complain 
that too large a proportion of convictions for 
such offences are Jewish. 

They are unfit for the modern economic 
world, not in consequence of any fault of their 
own, but in consequence of a long historical 
past ; in this respect (but in this respect only) 
they are comparable to the negroes in the 
United States, whom a long past in African 
forests or in American plantations, unfitted to 
take their place in the modern world when 
they are turned out into it, and who present 
an analogous problem in the United States. 
Booker Washington, who did so much for the 
negro, called his gospel by the very modest 
name of the "gospel of the toothbrush," and 
always insisted that keeping clean, learning a 
trade or some occupation 'of physical skill, or 
suchlike humble lessons, which education, in 
its ever-loftier flights disdains, was what the 
negro really required. And this is what the 
enormous mass of Orthodox Jews really re- 
quire; but as the average intelligence of the 
Jew and the Negro are not only different; but 
stand at the opposite ends of the scale, there 
is very much more prospect of succeeding 
with them. 

The enlightened East Jews recognise this, but I 
doubt whether West Jews do, or could easily be got 
to recognise anything so contrary to their fixed 
ideas as that any Jews exist who are unfitted for 
the modern economic world. But no one else can 
help these poor people, who engrossed as they are 
in the practice of their strange and age-old religion, 
will look with suspicion on anything that does not 
come to them from their co-religionists and R'abbis. 

The Commission of which I have the honour of 
being a member was appointed in consequence of 
representations made by the Jewish community in 
Great Britain, and the sole recommendation I ven- 
ture to make is that the same community be invited 
to study this side of the subject. 

I have, &c. 


Sir Horace Rumbold, Bart, G.C.M.G., M.V.O. 

»See the "Jewish Chronicle," August 1, 1919, p. 23. 'See L. Stein, 
"Die Vorschriften der Thora," 1904. ' See Graetz, "Geshichte der 
Juden." * See H. Cohen, "Das Problem der Judischen Sittenlehre. " 
^ See Graetz, "Geschichte der Juden." •* For a full but partial account 
of the whole process, see "Die Juden der Gegenwart," by A. Ruppin. 
Judischer Verlag, Koln, 1911. 'See "Die Rassenmerkmale der Juden," 

by Fishberg, Ernst Reinhardt, Munich, 1913. 'See "Die General 
Privilegien der Polnischen Judenschaft," by P. Bloch, J. Jolowicz, 
Posen, 1832. ' See the Resolution . of the Fourth Zionist Congress, 
August 19, 1919. "See Mr. Grunbaum's declaration adopted at the 
Fourth Zionist Conference, Warsaw, August 19, 1919. 


Typical Hymns of Hate 

and a Few Other Voices 


Prince Casimir Lubomirski, the former pro-Ger- 
man burgomaster* of Warsaw and the present Polish 
Minister or Ambassador to the United States, de- 
clares shame-facedly that every native of Poland of 
good character, is by the Polish Constitution, a citi- 
zen, and any immigrant coming into Poland can be- 
■ come a citizen in the same way as he can in the 
United States, except that the period of probation 
is ten instead of five years. Prince Lubomirski 
further insists that Poland does not" discriminate be- 
tween citizen and citizen, and that all are equal be- 
* fore the law and all are free to do as they please and 
to go their own way as long as they do not violate 
the laws of the country. According to this princely 
gentleman of Polish habits, there is actually no Jew- 
ish question in Poland,, for the Polish Constitution 
provides for the emancipation of the Polish Jews. 
The gentlemen in Washington have listened to this 
explanation of his Polish Excellency and are 
astounded. On the one hand there are authentic 
reports reaching this country daily to the effect that 
the Polish people are crazy with Jew-hatred, and 
that they are busily engaged in pogroms and in all 
forms of Jew-baiting, and on the other hand there 
is an ofificial declaration on the part of the accredited 
Polish Minister to the United States in which he 
says that the Jews in Poland are emancipated and 
are free to do as they please as long as they do not 
violate the laws of Poland. Prince Lubomirski is 
the only Polish representative abroad who has the 
audacity, nay the impudence, to tell the most shame- 
ful lies regarding the treatment of the Polish Jews. 
The well-known Polish musician, Casimir Stojow- 
sky, in an article published in this month's "North 
American Review" is going one better. To him, 
Poland is actually paradise, a blessing to humanity, 
a blessing to civilization and a blessing to all the 
Poles and to all those who live in Poland. 
' We presume that there is a specimen of humanity 
that can best be characterized as prize-liars, and that 
the Polish representatives abroad personify best 
this specimen of humanity. 

The Polish representatives abroad know very 
well that among the three million Jews in Poland 
there is not one who holds an official office or mu- 
nicipal office, that the Jews are actually excluded 
from participation in the management of the State. 
The Polish representatives abroad know very well 
that the Jews in Poland are excluded from most all 
the industries and are also driven out of trade and 
commerce. The Polish representatives abroad know 
perfectly well that there is an organized social eco- 
nomic boycott between the Pole's and the Polish 
Jew, called into being some fifteen years ago and 
making rapid strides, not only in Poland proper, but 
in all the countries occupied by the Polish military. 
The Polish representatives abroad know perfectly 

well that the Polish Jews are being robbed and 
beaten every day in the presence of the Polish 
police, they know that there is no protection for the 
Polish Jews, they know that each and every Polish 
Jew must give away part of his poor income to the 
police, if he wants to be safe in the streets or wants 
to be insured against beard pulling, or any other 
pogrom-like activity of the Polish ruffians. The 
Polish representatives abroad know that the Polish 
academic authorities do not admit Jews to the Po- 
lish universities, because they are Jews, and that the 
Polish government is doing its utmost to outdo 
Czarism. They know that all the outrages perpe- 
trated by old Russia against the Jews are child-play 
in comparison with the appalling crimes committed 
by the Polish government and the Polish people 
against the Jews. If the American people knew 
only one-tenth part of the crimes committed by Po- 
land against the Jews, no Pole would dare to show 
his face in this country. The Polish representatives 
abroad know that even the Spanish inquisition has 
not committed so many crimes against the Jews as 
Poland is committing now, but still they have the 
audacity and impudence to assert that all is well 
with the Polish Jews, that they are not discrimi- 
nated against, and that their rights are guaranteed 
by the Constitution. We know that the rights are 
guaranteed by the Constitution, tut to the Poles 
the Constitution of their own country does not mean 
anything? To them the Constitution is just a scrap 
of paper, and it is so because the Poles, a demoral- 
ized and degenerated people, are a nation without 
honor, and without honesty, and they are the only 
nation among all the re-established eastern Euro- 
pean nations who have started their new career by- 
committing crimes and outrages against national 
and religious minorities. It is obvious that a po- 
gromist people, like the Poles, will do anything to 
hide their crimes for the time being and that their 
representatives will act like prize-liars and lie away 
the blue from the sky in order to gain a momentary 
success. But one cannot fool all the people all 
the time. The day will soon come when these 
Lubomirskies and Stojowskies and other Polish 
prize-liars in the western countries will be recog- 
nized as such and their assurances will no more 
carry weight than those of the Prussians under the 
Hohenzollerns. Poland born in crime and sin will 
go under in a sea of crime and sin. 

— Front "The Sentinel," the American Jewish 
Weekly, Chicago, July 23, 1920. 

* The truthfulness of this type of journalism may be 
judged by this reference. There was no "pro-German 
burgomaster" of Warsaw under the German occupation, 
but a regency Council was instituted, composed, among 
others, of the archbishop of Warsaw and Zdzislav Lu- 
bomirski, who was quite distantly related to the present 
Minister of Poland to the United States. 




N. Y. Jurist, in Paris, Likens Army to Mexican 
Bandits — Tells of Frequent Pogroms 

Special Correspondent of New York American 

Paris, Aug. 11 — Poland is less fit for self-govern- 
ment than the Philippines, and the Polish army is 
in worse shape than the Mexican bandits. So as- 
serted Justice Aaron Levy, presiding Justice of the 
New York Municipal Court, returning here from 
Warsaw this morning. He gave me a statement de- 
scribing the conditions in Poland as "absolutely in- 
credible," adding: 

"Giving Poland her independence was the worst 
mistake of the makers of the Treaty of Versailles. 
The Polish people do not know the first rudiments 
of self-government. The great mass of the people is 
illiterate and unintelligent and is unable to use the 
franchise. The people live in terror and oppression. 
The Polish treatment of the Jews must be seen to 
be believed. 

"By day and night miniature pogroms are exe- 
cuted throughout Poland. By an edict from War- 
saw not one Jew is permitted to be a farmer or to 
work on the public utilities. As a result their land 
has been confiscated and they have been driven en 
masse into the small towns and cities. There, utter- 
ly dispirited and hopeless, they abjectly desire peace 
at any cost, preferring the Soviet regime to the pres- 
ent government, which is universally hated. 

"In any event there soon will be a revolution in 
Poland. For if the government does not withdraw 
I am positive that the peasants will rise en masse 
and kick it out. 

"When I left Poland Sunday the Soviet Army 
was thirty miles from Warsaw and advancing rapid- 
ly. No preparations were made for the defense of 
the city. When I return to America I intend to 
ui^ge by every means in my power the intervention 
of the United States to save the millions of Jews in 
Poland from extermination." 

• — New York American, August 12, 1920. 


By His Excellency, HUGH GIBSON, 

American Minister to Poland 

When I went to Poland a little over a year ago, 
for the first time, or rather a few months before 
I went there, it was a country without a govern- 
ment, practically a howling wilderness from end 
to end, a country without any organized railway 
system or distribution of food or any of the normal 
facilities of modern life. To-day there is a very 
distinct contrast to that time. Orderly government 
is maintained throughout all the territories held by 
the Polish Government. The railway system, 

while not yet perfect, is rapidly getting better. 
Food distribution is improving day by day, and al- 
together there is a decided progress. And, in spite 
of the sufferings of the past six years — su£feritlgs 
that we can hardly understand — the progress of the 
past few months has been sufficient, not only to 
keep up the high morale of the Army and the civil 
population, but to key them to a higher pitch, 
which gives us every reason to hope that Poland 
will pull through, overcome all her obstacles, and 
establish herself as a center of orderly government, 
that is essential to the maintenance of order and 
peace in eastern Europe. 

* From an address delivered at- the inaugural luncheon 
of the American-Polish Chamber of Commerce and In- 
dustry, New York, May 27, 1920. 


If American Jewry wants to cure the evils of Po- 
land they must get at the root of it. Sending one 
or two million Jews to Palestine will do little good. 
The evil consists in allowing the Jews in a town to 
follow one or two pursuits. Where there are 5,000, 
perhaps 1,000 of them could make an honest living, 
but 5,000 must cheat each other or starve. They 
must be given schools of instruction. They must 
change their mode of life. It will take a year's in- 
tensive study to find out how to do it, but it would 
be a most creditable achievement for those Jews 
who have benefited by liberty in this country. 

— From a Speech Before the Judaeans, New 
York, December 14, 1919, and Reprinted 
from the New York Times of December 
15, 1919. 


Secretary, the American Polish Chamber of Com- 
merce, New York. 

My Dear Sir: 

In reply to your circular letter* of August 30th, 
I beg to inform you that I am not interested in 
domg busmess with Poland, although I was myself 
born at Warsaw. 

But having been informed last year, while in 
Paris, how the Polish people were persecuting the 
Hebrew race of which I am proud to be a member. 
I have no confidence nor desire to have any business 
association with the Polish people. 

Therefore, you will kindly eliminate mailing any 
further advertising matter to me. 


67 Worth Street. 

*A letter sent out by the American-Polish Chamber of 
Commerce drawmg attention to business opportunities in 



Editor Globe : — You wonder what will happen if 
Warsaw falls. Here is my guess, based upon a 
-pretty fair understanding of the Bolshevist mind. 
The Polish Army will have been annihilated long 
before Warsaw is reached. When that is accom- 
plished the purpose for which Soviet Russia mobi- 
lized its army, much against its will, shall have been 
achieved. They will, therefore, evacuate Poland. 
Meanwhile the Polish proletariat, freed from the 
<lespotism which made them the gendarme of allied 
imperialism, will have established their own govern- 
ment. Warsaw will surrender — ^to the Polish 

What will the Allies do? Why, open trade with 
Soviet Russia. Morris Zucker. 

New York, July 9. 

—New York Globe, July 13, 1920. 


Editor Globe : — ^Reports of pogroms and mas- 
sacres perpetrated by the treacherous, cowardly 
Polish hordes upon the Jews, in their hasty retreat 
"before the Soviet armies, are again flooding the 
Jewish newspapers. (The English press is silent 
on such news, as usual). 

A bloody pogrom was organized in my own 
native town, Bobruisk, with every home pillaged 
and the women ravaged in the open in broad day- 
light by the blood-thirsty Polish beasts. My own 
people may have become victims of some Polish 
assassin's hand. The imperialistic clique of the 
Allied Powers have with shameless hypocrisy 
raised the cry that Poland is being crushed by the 
Bolsheviki, that Poland is being enslaved by Rus- 
sia, 'that Poland's independence must be safe- 
guarded, and that we must come to her rescue. 

The piassacres of the Jews by the Polish military, 
and the persecution of the Jews by the Polish Gov- 
ernment officials did not annoy the allied rulers in 
the least. In fact, it seems as if they wouldn't give 
a whoop if the whole Jewish population of Poland 
were put to slaughter, so long as the Polish junkers 
and black .hundred kept themselves amused, and 
satisfied to be the "buffer state" between western 
"civihzation" and "culture," and the Bolsheviki's 
dangerous doctrine of "No work, no eat" to be ap- 
plied to all husky, healthy fellows. 

In spite of the whining protestations, and even 
the threat of a hoi}' war upon it by the militaristic 
clique of the Allies, the Soviet government must, 
and no doubt will, completely disarm the Polish 
brigands, even as we would take away the gun 
from a dangerous criminal, notwithstanding the 
pleas of his fr'ends to leave the weapon with their 

Charles Golosman. 
New York, Aug. 10. 

—New York Globe, Aug. 18, 1920. 


To the Editor of The World : — Allow me to express 
my admiration of the most accurate and truthful 
analysis of Poland and her traits by your corre- 
spondent Mr. Arno Dosch-Fleurot in today's 
"World." If there was ever "a guest for a while 
who sees for a mile," it is this genius of a journalist 
who is a worthy representative of your, esteemed 

As a member of the Jewish race who had the mis- 
fortune of being born and raised in that country 
and subject to the oppressive and cruel methods of 
the Poles' dealing with any one who is unfortun- 
ate enough to be at their mercy, I cannot but regret 
the fact that my beloved U. S. A., of which I have 
the honor of being a citizen now, has listened to 
the yelp of the treacherous and always imperialistic 
Poland, and so generously extended to her its help- 
ing hand and good-will, of which she is unworthy. 
There is but one thing in the victorious outcome of 
the war for democracy that will always make me, 
and thousands of others who are still under Po- 
land's heel, regret the sacrifices we have offered for 
that great and worthy cause, and that is the con- 
sequent independence granted to Poland, which is 
to her a license to mistreat and persecute all people 
of other nationality under her rule. I. H. L. 

Brooklvn, July 11. 

—World, July 22, 1920. 


He Puts Responsibility for Outrages up to the 
Polish Government 

Sir Stuart Samuel is at the head of the British 
investigating commission, which, after investigat- 
ing Jewish conditions in Pojand, placed the blame 
for the bloody pogroms upon the Polish Govern- 
ment. The report brings shocking details of bru- 
tality displayed by soldiers in persecuting the Jew- 
ish population, and cites numerous cases where 
Jewish women were stripped naked and flogged 
mercilessly without cause. 

— From the Press, Long Beach, Cat. This is 
the caption that mas published in hundreds 
of papers throughout the United States, 
■ivithout change, beneath a Keystone Syndi- 
cate picture of Sir Samuel. 


It is perhaps safe to say that no Grovemment, 
since orderly governments were established, has 
been faced with so many serious problems, at one 
time. But to my mind the essential thing is not the 
magnitude of the problems, but the manner and the 
spirit in which they are approached. And it is in 
that phase of the matter that I find ground for 

— From an address, "The Ideals of Poland," 
by His Excellency, Hugh Gibson, American 
Minister to Poland. 




Chicago, Aug. 12 — To Poland's Minister at Wash- 
ington, Prince Lubomirski : — Excellency : 

It is reported you will solicit from the United 
States another loan for your country. To the $100,- 
000,000 already loaned by the American Govern- 
ment and the $50,000,000 odd advanced by private 
.\merican creditors to your people and their repre- 
sentatives you will ask that a fairly large sum be 

'S'our Excellency knows that in purely money 
matters financiers are subjective, not objective, and 
that political economy, as such, does not, in the ab- 
stract, concern itself about the moral or religious 
phases of a community. The former look to their 
security and interest. The latter to the thrift of a 

But you must also be aware that when the moral 
attitude of a government and the religious prejudice 
and fanaticism of a people are of a nature to impel 
resentment on the part of many and important lead- 
ers in world finance ; when the thrift of a nation is 
seriously jeopardized by murdering and plundering 
one-fifth of that nation's useful and thrifty citizens 
— then finance and political economy must inter- 

Religions Difference 

There are in your country 3,000,000 patriotic 
Poles who differ in their religion from the rest of the 
populace. The difference is neither organic nor 
structural. It is supplemental. Yet, slight as it is, 
it has been made the incentive — or the excuse — for 
assassination and pillage of the minority. Children, 
women, old men and invalids as well as strong 
men have been wantonly butchered and ruthlessly 
robbed for no other reason than that they were 

These butcheries and robberies find no parallel 
for cruelty and co\yardice in the pogroms under the 
old regime in Russia, for, under czardom, the gov- 
ernment made at least some attempt to prevent and 
to stop them. But in your country your government 
deliberately planned and executed them, specifically 
in Lenrberg, Lida, Vilna and Pinsk. In the last 
named city the awful massacre was absolutely a 
military murder — all the murderers wore the Polish 

You know what I write is fact, know that the 
appalling record is to be found in the report of the 
British Commissioner to Poland to investigate the 
nameless slaughters. Thousands of innocent crea- 
tures have been killed, maimed, their property 
stolen, at the direct instigation of your Government, 
by Polish soldiers, Polish fanatics, Polish profes- 
sional murderers and thieves ; victims who loved and 
served Poland in war and in peace ; whose ancestors 
have lived in Polish territory for centuries ; the most 
part of which were industrious artisans; the minor- 

ity of which were skillful financiers and knowl- 
edgeous economists, for whom Poland was in sore 
need; murdered and robbed, as I say, for no other 
rea.son than that they were Jews. 

Crimes of Free Republic 

And these crimes (at which even Russian czardom 
had been horrified) committed in the new Polish 
republic, in (at length) the free and- independent 
Poland yearned for by the liberty-loving people of 
the world generally! 

I will admit to you I was worrisomely discon- 
certed when for your first Prime Minister you chose 
that great pianist and puny-minded and peasant- 
prejudiced Paderewski. One could not converse a 
quarter of an hour with that incomparable musician 
and brainless man without hearing from him some 
stupid calumny of the Jews. 

His selection for Premier had been Homerically 
grotesque had it not symbolized the outrageous 
views and feelings of your governing class toward 
3,000,000 Polish citizens ; had it riot been indicative 
of what followed in the way of murder, rape and 
robbery; had it not been a presentment of the gen- 
eral incompetency of your government as shown by 
the outcome of the war with Russia. 

Permit me to remind Your Excellency that anar- 
chies in government or in any part of the people are 
not permitted in this world. To the Maker of this 
universe they are eternally abhorrent ; and from the 
beginning have been fobidden to be. They go their 
course, applauded — usually by self — for what 
lengths of time none can know; for a long term 
sometimes, but always for a fixed term ; and at last 
their day comes. 

Sense of Humanity Needed 

It were inexpressibly regrettable, your Excel- 
lency, for your government to explode in something 
worse than in the Nie Pozwalam in which your forty 
different diets of old exploded. May Heaven fore- 
fend such a fate. The world wishes the Poland of 
to-day well. 

But Poland will not, cannot, prosper until there 
shall be a radical conversion of your governors, un- 
til at worst a primitive sense of humanity toward 
3,000,000 Poles comes to the upper crust of your 

Meanwhile political economists will be consider- 
ing how a nation — a new nation at that — can thrive 
when 3,000,000 of its commercially and financially 
most competent citizens are subject to momentary 
murder and robbery; meanwhile Jewish financiers 
the world over will think thrice ere they subscribe 
to another Polish loan. 

Be assured. Your Excellency, of my profound re- 
spect, highest esteem and most distinguished con- 
sideration. BOERSIANER. 

— New York American (IVilliam Randolph 
Hearst), August 13, 1920. 



The Poles meanwhile are maligned with the usual 
mercilessness of those professional mercy-mongers 
who are so horrified by the cruelties of life that 
they add as many more as they can. 

The charge of imperialism has served at least to 
give us a brief respite from the anti-Polish propa- 
ganda of certain Jews who accused Poland of 
butchering Jews by the thousand. 

Has everybody forgotten the procession in New 
York and in other cities where mdurning was worn 
and dirges were sung for the slaughtered multitudes 
of the Polish pogroms? Has any one apologized 
to Poland for accusing her of rivaling Turkey, in 
Armenia? I have not seen the apologies, though 
many eminent Americans exploded a lot of lofty 
eloquence against Poland on behalf of civilization 
and in protest against the thousands of Jewish 

If there had been any truth in the charge the elo- 
quence would have been honorable. But an apol- 
ogy would be still more honorable now that the 
commissions have reported that the thousands of 
victims are reduced to 285. Ambassador Hugh Gib- 
son branded the charges as lies, and Ambassador 
Morgenthau, himself a Jew, who visited Poland and 
investigated, gave the quietus to the venomous 
campaign of slander. The respectable Jewish ma- 
jority incurs much undeserved hatred because of the 
vicious activity of a few. 

— From Imperialisin in Reborn Poland, by 
Rupert Hughes, the Author, in New York 
Times Book Review and Magazine, July 
18, 1920. 


"At the final entrainment in the city the Jewish 
people, moved by some extraordinary influence, 
started shooting from the windows at the Poles. 
Only by the issuance of strict orders were the men 
(Polish soldiers) held back from retaliating. It 
was considered best to ignore the sniping and carry 
on. Thanks to the poor marksmanship of the Reds 
and of their aids within the city the casualties were 
relatively few. In the refugee train, crowded par- 
ticularly with women and children, the excitement 
was tei-rible as the train passed under gunfire. 
Twice during the night the priests gave the last 
rites of the Church to the people crowded into the 
box cars on the several trains." 

— From the New York Times, July 2, 1920, 
Special Correspondence from Washington, 
D. C; being the account of Colonel Gaskill, 
formerly of the United States Army, and 
Jay P. Moffat, Secretary of the American 
Legation of Warsaw. The Correspondent 
said, "The account, received today, although 
not official, is regarded as reliable informa- 


The present plight of the Jews in Poland is not 
the result of any malicious project of extermina- 
tion, but the direct consequence of the economic 
chaos created by the war. The force and vigor of 
the Polish Christian people comes from the land. 
The future of the nation is assured, whatever the 
outcome of the present struggle, because 70 per 
cent, of them are on the farms. But the Polish 
Jews have lived and tlirived by industry and trade, 
on the manipulation of a delicate machinery which 
has been completely junked during the wrar. Fac- 
tories are paralyzed and have been during the 
greater part of the war. For a time trade continued 
in a more or less crippled way, and many Jews 
adapted themselves to the abnormal conditions and 
continued to make money. But the masses, less 
enterprising, have only suffered from closed mar- 
kets, hindered transportation and other difficulties. 
Now most of this irregular trade has ceased. Goods 
are be had. The Poles have become a poor 
people who cannot buy even where the goods exist. 

The low social state of the Polish Jews makes 
them particularly helpless to pull themselves out 
of their present plight. Orthodoxy here has taken 
its worst forms. A large part of the Jews in Po- 
land know only the organization of their cult, and 
this has too often been a narrow, ritualistic strait- 
jacket, which has kept the Jews apart from the 
Polish population about them. . . . 

The hatred existing between the Polish Jews and 
the Christians, whatever form it may take, is at 
bottom largely economic. It is none the less accen- 
tuated by the low culture of the Polish Jews them- 
selves. This is most conspicuous in the gulf which 
separates them from the large number of so-called 
assimilated Jews, those who have dropped their old 
Jewish traditions and taken up Polish ones. Many 
of these assimilated Jews hold positions of wealth 
and influence. But they are so conscious of the 
difference between themselves and their old kins- 
men, and so eager to seem a part of the new set, 
that they have not responded as generously as the 
American Jews to the support of their poor kins- 
men here. 

Not only does the economic disorder due to the 
war make the situation of the Polish Jews a criti- 
cal one, but the evolution of the economic system 
in Poland tends to make living impossible for an 
increasing number of them. For centuries business 
remained exclusively in the hands of the Jews. But 
in the last generation an increasing number of Poles 
have left the land and have taken an active part in 
commerce and industry. The competition here has 
become increasingly acute, and, unlike other coun- 
tries, the Jew in Poland has not the training suffi- 
cient to hold his ground. 

The Jews have been the middlemen of Poland. 
They were the venders and the money-lenders to 
the farms. But now the growth of banks and co- 
operatives has deprived them of much of this busi- 
ness as well. . . . 

— From the Neiv York Globe, September I, 1920. 



Are We Really So Wicked? Are We So 

Recent developments among our citizens are 
pointing to a reopening of the old sores, the old 
squabbles, which in cases have ended u'p in blows, 
are daily occurrences. The inevitable result will be 
a further widening of the gap between the Poles 
and the Jews, which in time- is bound to have an 
evil bearing upon the status of Poland in the rank 
of the world nations. 

Where lies the fault? 

You will all admit that right along your attitude 
towards the Poles in America has been antagonis- 
tic ; we were an inferior race, as most of your young- 
er generation has termed us: "Damn Polacks." 

Your prominent men, your press has been filled 
with vituperation against Poland. You* forget 
that a Pole loves Poland just as intensely as 
a Jew loves the Jewish race. You forget that 
our soldiers are fighting a mighty battle, with a 
mighty military machine, equipped with scythes, 
pitch-forks and pocket-knives, without clothing, 
starved. You must know that last winter the Pol- 
ish soldier marched bare-footed, with not even a 
sock to protect his feet, and you know that he is 
facing a winter that will be worse in all conditions. 
Do you realize that an interview like that published 
by the "New York American" last week with Judge 
Levy, creates a sentiment against Poland in the 
very country that can help her most in her distress, 
and do you wonder that every native born Pole, 
and even those of Polish extraction, are warmed to 
a fever heat by such irresponsible, wanton state- 

Poland has suffered too much. Her land is sat- 
urated with the red blood of her sons, whp have 
perished during her 100 years of slavery. Freedom 
was too dearly bought to be lost now, through the 
machinations of any certain group or clique of 

I, myself, have always believed that the Jewish 
problem must be solved, and that it cannot be 
solved by extermination or emigration. 

The problem must be met squarely by the Polish 
Government. Some kind of agreement must be 
reached. Poland cannot exist with a large antago- 
nistic population within her borders. Our Polish 
Government has already given important positions 
to Jews in her Government. She has only a few 
days since appointed Prof Simon S. Askenazy her 
second representative to the League of Nations. 
Our embassy and consulates have Jews occupying 
important posts, so has our Diet. The Jews in Lem- 
berg recently contributed 300,000 marks and voted 
to give Poland military aid and sustain her in her 
struggle against Bolshevism. 

Why don't your news agencies broadcast facts 
like that upon the world, and show that we Poles> 
after all, are not so wicked? 

Instead, they seem to take a fanatical pleasure in 
disseminating news of imaginary pogroms and 
other anti-Polish propaganda. They do not con- 
sider that Poland is a country racked with over 
six years of horrible war. They do not consider 
that all kinds of people make up a nation. They 
do not mention that what they spread to all news- 
papers on earth as a "pogrom" might be nothing 
but a drunken brawl, a small altercation that ended 
in blows. At this date European dispatches pub- 
lish stories of skirmishes between Poles, Germans, 
Ukrainians, Czechs, Slovaks, Lithuanians, etc. Yet 
none of these nations has raised the cry: "pogrom." 

Bloodshed, licentiousness, robbery is a natural 
outcome of war. Our American history will tell 
us of robber bands after the Revolution ; "guerillas" 
after the Civil War. Why condemn a nation for 
the acts of a few? 

Are we really murderers? Do we really enjoy 
orgies of blood? Do we really kill innocent Jews 
and their children? Look, around. Maybe your 
next door neighbor is a Pole. Maybe you 
have a few in your employ. Do they look like 
murderers, baby-killers ; or are they just plain, hard 
working American citizens like yourself? 

One thing more — I myself was born in America, 
in Newark — I have come in contact with Poles from 
Galicia, Posen, Lemberg, Plock and Warsaw. Al- 
ways the sentiment has been the same. They all 
complained of the Jews. There was no concrete 
reason that^could not be ironed out. I often won- 
dered. So many people, from so many different 
sections,* yet all with the same story. Why? Now 
the Jews are exceptionally good business people. 
They study trade conditions. When business is 
poor they want to know why, and then set out to 
get rid of that reason. Wouldn't it be a good idea 
to find a solution for this mighty problem that con- 
cerns the future of a nation? 

It cannot be solved by wild rantings of a Judge 
Levy. That is only pouring oil upon the fire. 

It cannot be solved by breaking windows and at- 
tacking Poles indiscriminately with shouts of 
"Damn Polacks." 

It cannot be solved by the display of Jewish flags 
on a day like last Sunday, "Polish Day," with no 
other purpose than to be spiteful. 

And it surely cannot be solved by propaganda, 
that is aimed at the very foundations of Poland, 
that would deprive Poland of her LIBERTY, and 
once again make her a slave. 

Frank Kempczynski, Editor. 

— Published in the "Kronika," Polish language 
newspaper of Nenjark, New Jersey, August 
18, 1920. 


The Truth? 

London — (J. C. B.) — The Warsaw correspondent 
writes that the Jews of that city celebrated July 
the Fourth by decorating their homes, closing their 
schools and hplding a special service in their syna-* 
gogues. The Polish authorities resented the jubila- 
tions in honor of America's independence and pro- 
hibited all public manifestations* 

— From The Sentinel, "The American Jewish 
Weekly," Chicago, July 23, 1920. 

There are some persons who affect to believe 
that there can be no such thing as gratitude be- 
tween nations. It would have been a wholesome 
experience for these people if they could have wit- 
nessed as I did this year's celebration of the Fourth 
of July in Warsaw. The Bolsheviki were advanc- 
ing on the city. Their approach was heralded by 
the reports of the cruelties and the devastation that 
were marking their path. Warsaw was in a state 
of the greatest anxiety. 

The Poles, however, would let nothing interfere 
with the fitting celebration of America's birthday. 
In the churches of the city the people gathered to 
hear sermons of gratitude to the American people 
for what they have done for Poland. Afterwards 
the American colony assembled in the great square 
before the City Hall where a small copy of our 
statue of liberty had been erected. Ten thousand 
children, every one fed by the Hoover organization 
and clothed by the American Red Cross, marched 
through the square cheering America, their bene- 
factor. In the evening there was a great reception 
at which fervid speeches were made to us Ameri^ 
cans. But it is the children w^e shall always remem- 
ber, and we know that whatever happens America 
has a friend in Europe for at least one .generation. 

By William C. Boyden, 
American Commissioner of the League of Red Cross 

* The italics are the Editor's. 


The Situation 

The importance of the foregoing reports would 
appear more vividly if at the same time was pub- 
lished the news which for nearly two years has be'en 
spread over the whole world concerning the terrible 
Polish "pogroms" and "atrocities," claiming that 
thousands upon thousands of peaceful citizens were 
murdered through race and religious hatred. Such 
a confrontation would show clearly of what Poland 
is accused, and what basis she was discredited and 
condemned in the opinion of the world, and what 
a small part of these accusations proved to be true. 
It would also show that although 90 per cent of 
the accusations were proved false, nobody with- 
drew them, and their authors took from the reports 
of the American and English Missions only what 
could be used against Poland. The rest they passed 
over in silence. To confront however the result of 
the investigations of these Missions with all these 
accusations, instead of a small book several volumes 
would be necessary. 

From the very first moment, when at the begin- 
ning of November, 1918, Poland regained her in- 
dependence, day after day and month after month, 
news of dreadful Jewish pogroms were spread over 
the whole world. What is more, no other news 
came from Poland, as if the Poles, after their libera- 
tion from 150 years of captivity, had nothing better 
to do than to murder Jews. 

This news found the more credit as nobody con- 
tradicted it. And nobody could contradict it. The 
Polish Government could not, because there was 
no Polish Government. When, in November, 1918, 
the German and Austrian authorities ceased to 
function in Poland (the Russian authorities had 
long since fled), nobody remained to govern, and 
Poland, devastated by four years of war, found her- 
self without government, without administration, 
without tribunals, without police and without an 
army. And when the Polish Government arose it 
still could not deny the pogroms, for it first had to 
create an administration that would restore order 
and investigate all excesses. All this was accom- 
plished in an astonishingly short period, but even 
then the government could not occupy itself with 
a press campaign, firstly because it learned of these 
accusations very late in the day (Poland was virtu- 
ally cut off from the world), secondly, because in 
addition to creating the whole machinery of State, 
it had to create an army in order to repulse invasion 
on four fronts. 

And so the news of dreadful "pogroms" penetrated 
everywhere, spread systematically via Berlin and 
Vienna, and by special bureaux in Stockholm and 
Copenhagen, which from day to day furnished news 
to Zionist organizations possessing sufficient means 
and influence to give it a world-wide publication. 
And the news was frightful. It told of thousands 

of Jews not only beaten and robbed, but murdered 
and burned alive. As these facts were confirmed 
by "eye-witnesses" it is no wonder they aroused 
general indignation. And when Mr. Israel Cohen, 
the Secretary of the London Zionist Organization, 
after investigating the matter on the spot published 
in English papers and at a meeting in Queen's Hall 
in London that such atrocities had taken place in 
Poland in 130 towns, indignation meetings and 
funereal processions began all over the world. 

At this point the Polish Government began to 
issue denials of these crimes, which called forth 
greater indignation : "It is not enough that they 
murder innocent Jews, in addition they lie." For 
of necessity the denials were unaccompanied by 
proofs. When an "eye-witness" declared that he 
counted 2,300 Jewish corpses, how prove that it 
was untrue and that these corpses are living. Ex- 
cited public opinion demanded negative proof from 
Poland, but did not demand proofs from her ac- 
cusers. The news of "pogroms" were so established 
all over the world that the denials of the numerous 
foreign correspondents who began to visit Poland 
found no faith. What is more, when after December 
1918 the various missions of the Allies began to 
arrive in Poland, and the members of these mis- 
sions also began to deny the pogroms, even their 
testimony was regarded with suspicion. Jewish 
pogroms in Poland had become a dogma so firmly 
established that denials were useless. 

When therefore Mr. Paderewski, at that time 
Polish Premier, requested the Governments of the 
Allies to send a special mission to Poland to find 
out the truth, an unheard of thing happened ; the 
American as well as the English Government came 
to the conviction that in order that the reports 
should find credit a Jew must stand at the head of 
the mission. Christian testimony did not appear to 
be sufficient. This aroused among the Poles an 
astonishment as great as would have been felt by 
Polish Jews, if at the head of an American mission 
had been placed, for instance. Congressman Kleczka, 
an equally honored and respected American citizen, 
but suspected of partiality because of his Polish 
descent. And as humour never loses its rights even 
in the most dramatic moments, it was a standing 
joke in the Polish Press that at the head of the mission 
on the question of the lynching of negroes in Amer- ' 
ica should be a colored gentleman from Haiti and 
a full blooded delegate from Central Africa. 

But even thus, with Jews at its head, the task 
of this mission was not easy, for the question of 
pogroms in Poland had taken on such a character 
that even the testimony of Jews was accepted only 
when it was against Poland. A Polish Jew in 
Stockholm was brutally convinced of this when he 
was beaten and ejected from an indignation meeting 
for daring to question the truth of the accusations ; 


Mr. L. Pilichowski, President of the Union of Polish 
Jews in England, at the meeting in Queen's Hall 
(April 9th, 19) was greeted with insulting cries and 
shouted down when he expressed his conviction that 
the present Polish Government has every desire to 
establish tolerable relations with the Jews; Mr. 
Diamand, an eminent Jewish member of the Polish 
Parliament — and one of the leaders of the Socialist 
Party, was accused of treason by a Zionist paper 
for expressing a similar opinion. 

In this difficult situation, the two chiefs of the 
missions for investigating pogroms in Poland chose 
different ways, Mr. Morgenthau, an American citi- 
zen of the Jewish faith, did not renounce his nat- 
ural sympathy with his cobelievers, but at the same 
time strove to be an impartial judge, not the rep- 
resentative of one side only. The British Jew, 
Sir Stuart Samuel, did not take so much trouble, 
and the manner in which his investigations were 
carried out left in Poland the impression of an at- 
torney gathering materials for an act of accusation, 
rather than of a judge. 

The task was in any case so difficult, and the 
whole atmosphere so permeated with the bitterness 
of accusations and the poison of hate, that the mem- 
bers of both missions, the American as well as the 
English, were unable, in spite of their sincere desire, 
to make a common report. Mr. Morgenthau wrote 
a separate report, and General Jadwin and Mr. 
H. H. Johnson, two Christian members of his mis- 
sion, wrote also a separate report while Sir Stuart 
Samuel's report had to be sandwiched between a 
letter by Sir H. Rumbold, the British Minister in 
Poland, and the report of Mr. P. Wright — both 
constituting a severe criticism of the report of Sir 
Stuart Samuel. 

In spite of their diversity however, these reports 
possess great documentary value, for they represent 
one question from different standpoints. They 
would have to be recognized as the final revelation 
of the whole truth if they were completed by the 
remarks of a man occupying the same position to- 
wards the Polish nation as Sir Samuel occupied 
towards the Jews. In such a case the matter could 
have been considered by all sides as satisfactorily 
cleared up. 

But just as they are, these reports give a pretty 
complete picture of the Jewish problem in Poland, 
considered as a whole. 

In his letter of June 30th, 1919, Secretary Lansing 
defined the work of the mission as : "investigation 
of the various massacres, pogroms, and other ex- 
. cesses alleged to have taken place, the economic 
boycott, and other methods of discrimination 
against the Jewish race," afterwards adding that 
"the establishment of the truth in regard to those 
matters. . . .is merely for the purpose of seeking to 
discover the reason lying behind such excesses and 
discriminations with a view to finding a possible 

These three points : 1st, the truth about the 
pogroms etc., 2nd the reason lying behind such ex- 
cesses, and 3rd the possible remedy, are presented 

in a different manner not only by the two missions, 
but also by the members of each mission. 

/ — Pogroms, Atrocities, Excesses 

Although the reports of the members of the two 
missions often differ in the description of anti- 
Jewish incidents in Poland, there is not much dif- 
ference in the final result of their investigations. 
To a certain degree Sir Stuart Samuel is an ex- 
ception, recognising as "proved to my satisfaction" 
details not quoted at all as proved by any of the other 
members of the two missions. 

The final result of the investigations of both mis- 
sions is that during the first five critical months 
there were about 280 killed in the anti-Jewish ex- 
cesses (Morgenthau) ; that the number of killed 
"has not exceeded 300" (Jadwin- Johnson) ; that the 
number of killed was at least 348 (Sir S. Samuel) ; 
and "not more than 200 or 300 unjustly- killed" 
(Wriglit). At the same time Sir H. Rumbold 
divides these excesses into two categories : those 
"which were perpetrated in Poland proper in the 
course of which 18 Jews lost their lives ;" the others 
being those which occurred in the war zone during 
the campaign. 

It must be remembered that newspaper reports 
of pogroms which aroused such world-wide indigna- 
tion, mentioned thousands of Jews killed in each of 
the 130 Polish towns said to have been the sceiie of 
these "atrocities." 

The disturbances in Poland proper happened 
during the first moments of her independence, when 
there was neither government, police nor army, 
and the starving populatioii was free to attack 
stores where they believed provisions to be hidden. 
They did not seek Jews, but food. In any country 
in the world such excesses might have taken on 
greater proportions if the police ceased to act at 
the very moment when the hungry population, un- 
able to buy food anywhere, seized all means of get- 
ting it. At to the incidents in the war zone, it must 
be remembered that reports confirm in part that 
the Jews fought on the side of the enemies of Poland 
at the most critical moment, and in part that they 
were suspected of this with more or less justice. If 
it is recalled that after driving the Russians from 
Galicia the German and Austrian armies hung in 
Galicia 30 thousand people suspected of sympathy 
with the enemy it will be easy»to understand the 
words of Mr. Wright, who, in speaking of the num- 
ber of killed in these conditions, said: "One would 
be too many, but taking these casualities as a stand- 
ard with which to measure the excesses committed 
against them (the Jews), I am more astonished at 
their smallness than their greatness." 

As to the responsibility for these excesses, even 
Sir Stuart Samuel said that (with the exception of 
the incidents in Lvov, Lida and Wilna) "the mil- 
itary authorities endeavoured to restrict the action 
of the soldiers as much as possible," and that "speak- 
ing generally, as the civil authority has been able 
to make its power effective, so the position in the 


rear of the troops has become more and more satis- 

Other merobers of the two missions are more 
decided. Mr. Morgenthau says : "It would be. . . .un- 
fair to condemn the Polish nation as a whole for 
the violence committed by uncontrolled troops or 
local mobs." General Jadwin and Mr. H. H. John- 
son state that "none of these excesses were in- 
stigated or approved by any responsible govern- 
mental authority, civil or military, "that every- 
where the authorities ordered investigations and 
repression, that even in the sad incidents in Pinsk 
"no share can be attributed to any military ofiEcial 
higher up, to any of the Polish civil ofificials, or to 
the few Poles resident in that district of White 
Russia." Mr. P. Wright says that the excesses took 
place at a period when "there was not much law 
for anyone," and adds that these events are small 
and trivial in comparison with the horrors of 
Bolshevism, the atrocities of the Ukrainian rising, 
and the brutalities of the struggle between the 
Germans and the Russians. In the opinion of Sir 
H. Rumbold "in view of the weakness of the central 
administration, and the original want of discipline 
in the Polish army, it would appear that the authori- 
ties could not be held responsible for the excesses" ; 
that the condition of the Jews in Poland "bad as it 
may have been or may still be, has been far better 
than in most of the surrounding countries." And 
Sir H. Rumhold concludes: "It is giving the Jews 
very little real assistance to single out, as is some- 
times done, for reprobation and protest, the country 
where they have perhaps suffered least." 

// — Causes of the Anti- Jewish Movement in Poland 

The reports of the ttvo missions cite many causes 
which produced dislike of the Jews in Poland. No 
report, however, attributes it to religious prejudice, 
nor considers the excesses as religious persecution 
and a lack of religious tolerance. This is a point to 
be emphasized. 

The report of Sir Stuart Samuel differs from all 
the others in that he does not see any other causes 
for this dislike except perhaps the malice of Poles 
revenging themselves for the election of Mr. 
Jagiello as deputy for Warsaw. It is difficult to 
consider as a real cause the phenomenal discovery 
of Sir Stuart that the Jews represent the only mid- 
dle-class in Poland, which for the rest has only an 
aristocracy and a peasantry (?). He mentions also 
as a cause of unjust reproaches the use of the Ger- 
man language and the close relations with the Ger- 
mans during the war, as well as the suspected taint 
of Bolshevism, at the same time remarking: "al- 
though it should not be matter of surprise if some 
of the younger generation of educated Jews, finding 
all avenues of advancement and fair play barred, 
should be found ready to listen to proposals for 
freedom and equality of opportunity." It is thus 
Sir Stuart defines Bolshevism, differing fundamen- 
tally in this respect from Mr. P. Wright, who 
is of the opinion that "the Bolshevik administration 
was a parody of the Tsarist administration, which 
itself was little better than a parody," and confirms 

the large part taken by the Jews in this administra- 

Mr. Morgenthau looks deeper, and finds political 
as well as economic causes, showing circumstances 
which inclined the Polish soldier to look upon the 
Jews as aliens, and hostile to Polish nationality, show- 
ing the chaotic state of affairs in Poland, the social 
unrest after the war which stimulated patriotic out- 
bursts, sentiments incompatible with the nationaHst 
declarations of some Jewish organizations, their de- 
mands for autonomy and their attitude during the 
Conference in Paris. General Jadwin and Mr. John- 
son add to this the abnormal concentration of Jews 
in Poland, their readiness to go with the winning side, 
alleged speculations in foodstuffs, denunciations to the 
Germans, their conduct toward the enemies of Poland, 
and the danger of anti-Polish propaganda which has 
its source in Germany. 

Mr. P. Wright gives many reasons for the strained 
relations existing between the Poles and the Jews. 
Some are of an economic nature. The Jews in Poland 
are small middlemen, hardly ever producers, capitalists 
of a few shillings for whom there is every year less 
and less room. They are unfit for the modern eco- 
nomic world, and are driven out by modem methods. 
"Polish workmen will not work with people whose 
personal habits are so unclean." "They are also driven 
into all sorts of illicit and fraudulent practices, and I 
think the Poles are right when they complain that 
too large a proportion of such offenses are Jewish." 
Mr. Wright then gives political reasons. The Litwaki 
sent by Russia into Poland, openly professed them- 
selves partisans of conquering Russia, organized the 
Polish Jews and the Jewish Press, which fought 
against Polish autonomy. During the war it was 
with Jews that the Germans set up their organization 
to squeeze and drain Poland; they were their instru- 
ment. They fought with the Bolsheviki, often joining 
them because of the opportunity of doing business, 
especially speculation in food. Germanized, Russified, 
with Bolshevist connections, they appeared to the Poles 
as representatives of their oppressors. "It had seemed 
certain that one of the two, the German or the Russian 
Empire, must win, and that the Jews who had their 
money on both were safe; but the despised Poland 
came in first. Even now the Jews can hardly believe 
in its resurrection, and one of them told me it still 
seems to him a dream." 

Mr. Wright made a thorough study of the social con- 
ditions of Polish Jews, and his unexpected conclusions 
are that eastern Jews with their own language, dress, 
calendar, with their narrow ritualism based on literally 
taken texts of books which rule their whole life, have 
a civilization which resembles the civilization of Islam, 
not only far removed from European civilization, but 
a civilization of the fifth century before Christ. The 
eastern Jews are "not civilized in our sense of the 
word, and it is impossible for the Poles to amalgamate 
with them, and difficult to mix with them or even to 
frame common laws with them." "The semi-assimila- 
tion of the larger masses of the eastern Jews is the 
very cause of the evil." It stimulates their nationalism. 
They will not be governed by men who are not of 
their race, language and religion. "They protest they 


are not Poles ; they are only Jews, but Polish subjects." 
The result is the demand for a national autonomy: 
all the Jews in Poland should figure on a separate 
register, they should have a representative body with 
extensive powers, separate budget and organization, 
their deputies to the Polish Parliament elected by Jews 
only, the right to use Yiddish in legal proceedings, 
schools, etc. This 14 per cent, of the population of 
Poland, with its antiquated Asiatic civilization, should 
"be organized for all time as a separate national body, 
safe from fhe assimilating influence of the remaining 
86 per cent, of the population — all this is "the very 
cause of the evil." 

/// — Possible Remedies 

In speaking of possible remedies Mr. Morgenthau is 
sparing of words, but touches on many fundamental 
ideas. "To formulate a solution of the Jewish problem 
will necessitate a careful and broad study,, not only 
of the economic condition of the Jews, but also of the 
exact requirements of Poland. These requirements 
•will not be definitely known prior to the fixation of 
Pplish boundaries, and the final regulation of Polish 
relations with Russia, with which the largest share 
of trade was previously conducted. It is recommended 
that the League of Nations, or the larger nations in- 
terested in this problem, send to Poland a commission 
consisting of recognized industrial, educational, agri- 
cultural, economic and vocational experts, which 
should remain there as long as necessary to examine 
the problem at its source." On another page he says : 
"When the boundaries of Poland are once fixed, and 
the internal organization of the country is perfected, 
" the Polish Government will be increasingly able to 
protect all classes of Polish citizenry." In the opinion 
of Mr. Morgenthau "The minority must be encouraged 
to participate with their whole strength and influence 
in making Poland the great unified country that is 
required in Central Europe to combat the tremendous 
dangers that confront it. Poland must promptly de- 
velop its full strength, and by its conduct first merit 
and then receive the unstinted moral, financial and 
economic support of all the world which will ensure 
the future success of the Republic." He rrJtntions the 
new Polish Constitution now in the making, the gen- 
erous scope of which "has already been indicated by 
the special treaty with the Allied and Associated 
Powers, in which Poland has affirmed its fidelity to 
the principles of liberty and justice and the rights 
of minorities, and we may be certain that Poland will 
be faithful to its pledge, which is so conspicuously in 
harmony with the nation's best traditions." And Mr. 
Morgenthau concludes: "There must be but one class 
of citizens in Poland, all members of which enjoy 
equal rights and render equal duties." 

General Jadwin and Mr. Johnson subscribe to the 
conclusions of Mr. Morgenthau, insisting on the neces- 
sity of "one and only one class of citizens," and ad- 
vising Poland and Jews to "keep in mind American ex- 
perience in public school development, and carefully 
to weigh the question whether the permanency of the 
separate school plan will be advisable." They beUeve 
that "once the military threat against Poland is re- 

moved and the territorial uncertainty of the Republic 
is ended, the nation will be able to concentrate its 
energies on internal problems and, by the course of 
natural development, create a governmental system in- 
suring equality, protection and prosperity to all ele- 
ments of its population. The mission thoroughly be- 
lieves that Poland has the raw materials of citizenship 
quite equal to this accomplishment." 

General Jadwin and Mr. Johnson conclude by en- 
umerating "the duties of the outside world toward 
Poland" concerning the establishment of the frontiers, 
protection against external interference, material aid 
in the nature of food, clothing and raw materials, 
study of over-population or under-industrialization, 
campaign by League of Nations of universal education 
in ideals of democracy and the disinterested counsel 
of the allied democracies based on their experience. 

Mr. P. Wright, like all the other members of the 
two missions, sees the principal remedy in the opening 
up of Russia to the Jews : "If Russia is opened to the 
Jews, the Polish Jewish question may solve itself. 
The Jews who were pumped into Poland by the Tsarist 
Government will stream back there, and now sweep 
along with them very many of the Polish Jews." Ben 
sides this, as a logical consequence of his opinion con- 
cerning the low social level of the eastern Jews and 
their unfitness for modern conditions, Mr. Wright, in 
deep sympathy with the "immense mass of squalid 
and helpless poverty," sees the necessity of educating 
the eastern Jewish masses, of preaching to them "the 
gospel of the toothbrush," of cleanliness and of teach- 
ing them modern methods of earning a livelihood. 
He insists that western Jews may in this respect help 
their unfortunate eastern brethren; who "look with 
suspicion on anything that does not come from their 
co-religionists and Rabbis." 

Sir S. Samuel, always original, differs widely from 
the other members of the missions. Besides the open- 
ing of Russia, facilities of emigration, introduction 
of new industries, equality of rights, and remedies 
qualified as unsuitable by Sir H. Rumbold, Sir Stuart 
sees only one other efficient remedy — the police. The 
Polish Government must be urged to carry out the 
clauses of the Minority Treaty in a spirit of sympathy 
with the Jews (this urging for sympathy is curious), 
boycotts must be decreed illegal and all publications 
advocating boycotts suspended. Sir Stuart overrates 
the power" of the police and the efficiency of press 
gagging methods. He does not remember that the 
English authorities, at that periol all-powerful in Ire- 
land, were unable to protect from such proceedings a 
certain Captain Boycott, who was compelled to leave 
Ireland, such proceedings being thereafter known as 
"boycotting." Sir Stuart Samuel appears to be un- 
aware that a remedy, to be efficient, must influence the 
feelings of the population, and the sole prohibition 
of giving expression to these feelings would be no 
remedy at all ; on the contrary, it would stimulate ill- 
feeling against the Jews if the Polish Government 
were urged to suppress, for the benefit of the Jews, 
publications expressing the real sentiment of the Polish 
people. Such a prohibition would be worse than use- 
less—the sentiment itself should be changed. 

It is easy to draw one logical deduction from Sir 


Stuart's suggestion. If political boycott should be 
suppressed, it could not be limited to anti-Jewish boy- 
cott. How about the anti-Polish boycott? Sir Stuart 
would, of course, find absurd a demand to suppress the 
boycott of the Polish State and the Polish nation, ad- 
vocated with such unanimity and persistence all over 
the world. No Pole has ever expressed such an ex- 
travagant demand. 

There are two circumstances which give a tragic 
stamp to the relations between the Poles and the Jews. 
Firstly, this dispute is not a historical necessity, it is 
not a natural consequence of centuries-old relations, 
but of an accidental outside cause, which fell on Poland 
in spite of the tendencies and efforts of her inhabi- 
tants. A second tragic circumstance is that this con- 
flict began with such a lurid outburst at the very mo- 
ment when Poland had regained her independence, 
and again took up the thread of her history as a State, 
a history whose annals record through centuries tra- 
ditions of tolerance and liberty. 

Before her dismemberment, when Poland was an 
independent State, the relations between Poles and 
Jews were satisfactory. Poland earned the title of 
"Paradisus Judaeorum," and although Jews flocked to 
Poland from other countries where they suffered per- 
secution, there was every prospect of their assimila- 
tion as equal citizens. Religious tolerance was such 
that there were no religious dissensions, and national 
dissensions did not exist. In view of the traditional 
exclusiveness of the Jewish community the process of 
assimilation proceeded slowly, but it proceeded, and 
was not interrupted even by the Partitions. If the 
literature of a nation reflects its character, Polish liter- 
ature is perhaps the only literature representing Jews 
as national patriots, headed by Jankiel in the national 
epics by Mickiewicz, Poland's greatest poet. This pro- 
cess reached its zenith in 1862, when A. 'Wielopolski 
was at the head of the administration of Congress 
Poland, and he, a Pole, proclaimed the emancipation 
and equal rights of the Jews, and this was immediately 
put in practice by Poles, not only poHtically, but so- 
cially. The consequence of this was that Jews took 
part in the Polish insurrection. But the insurrection 
was suppressed, the remainder of Poland's autonomy 
withdrawn and the rights of the Jews restricted. This 
was the act of Russia. And what is more, Russia, 
wishing to rid herself of Jews, began to send them to 
Poland. Poland could absorb socially her own Jews, 
bound to her by the traditions of centuries. She could 
not assimilate this foreign surplus. In the sixteenth 
century, the period of Poland's greatest prosperity, 
three and one-half per cent. .of the population were 
Jews. At present the Jews represent 14 per cent, of 
the population. In addition, these arrivals brought 
with them, not only a stubborn separatism, but hatred 
of Poland. The result was the appearance in Poland 
of anti-Semitism — a guest hitherto unknown. Anti- 
Jewish sentiments increased when the inimical attitude 
of the "Litvak" and their adherents was so glaringly 
revealed during the Great X'N'ar. It increased still 
more when the resuscitation of independent Poland 
was greeted by an organized, universal choir of hostile 
voices, discrediting the reborn nation. 

This outburst of hatred was not justified by the so- 
called "pogroms," reduced to the real proportions, of 
which there were fewer victims than from the auto- 
mobile casualties in New York during the same period. 
On the other hand thes? hostile voices from abroad 
aroused great irritation in Poland, from which suffered 
the poor masses of Jews in daily contact with Poles,. 
with whom they have to live. 

The members of the two missions propose different 
remedies for this state of affairs. Sofne of them' — 
such as the establishment of Polish frontiers, peace, 
the opening of emigration to Russia, aid in economic 
development, etc. — find unanimous approval. 

There is also general unanimity as to the necessity 
of equal rights for Jews, to which also all Poles agree. 
In this respect, nevertheless, there are certain differ- 
ences of opinion of which adherents of equal rights, 
are not always conscious. Equal rights, although con- 
firmed in Articles of the Constitution and guaranteed 
by treaties, cannot really become part of the State 
organism until mutual hostility is removed. Mr. Mor- 
genthau concludes his report with the words : "There 
must be but one class of citizens in Poland, all mem- 
bers of which enjoy equal rights and render equal 
duties." Even anti- Jewish Polish papers agree to this, 
but add : "Let the Jews do their duty, and then we will 
consider them as having equal rights" ; the Jews say : 
"When we feel we have equal rights we will fulfill 
our duties." Are we to wait and see who begins first ? 
No, this hostility must be removed, and relations 
brought about in which such a dilemma would be im- 

This cannot, however, be attained by the compulsory 
methods so dear to Sir Stuart Samuel. The Govern- 
ment, the Polish people, declare themselves ready to 
co-operate in order to arrive at harmony and concord. 
Let us suppose, however, that this is not the case. Po- 
land is a democratic State, and 86 per cent, of her 
population may impose their will on the Government. 
Let us suppose against all probability, that the will of 
the population is contrary to the clauses of the Minor- 
ity Treaty. What then? If the League of Nations in 
defense of Jews applied forcible measures to Poland, 
it might obtain momentary results, but such action 
would certainly not improve internal relations between 
Jews and Poles ; it would be more likely to create an 
atmosphere of bitterness favorable to the birth of real 
pogroms. With the Minority Treaty or without it. 
the sincerity of the concord is the essential point of 
the problem, not a concord obtained by compulsion. A 
sincere concord is barred by the demand of some Jews 
for national autonomy. With such an autonomy there 
would be not one, but two classes of citizens, con- 
demned to eternal discord : one representing 86 per 
cent, of Christian citizens with normal rights, the other 
the 14 per cent of Jewish citizens enjoying special 
privileges in addition to normal rights. 

Moreover, the fixing of the peculiarities of the Jew- 
ish minority would hinder the reconciliation and a har- 
monious co-existence. This can be attained only by 
removing the barriers dividing these two groups of 
citizens, and not by rendering them permanent. 

Mr. Wright, in his report, represents the intellectual 
and cultural state of eastern Jews as such ; that "it is 
impossible for the Poles to amalgamate with them, and 


•difficult to mix with them, or even to frame common 
laws for them." To render these differences perma- 
nent would be to make impossible a friendly co- 

In calling attention to this, General Jadwin and Mr. 
Johnson point to American experience in public school 
■development. This is based on Americanization, not 
interfering in any way with the freedom and equality 
of citizens, but moulding them into one vital organism. 
Similarly Polonisation on the same broad and liberal 
principles, must form the basis of Polish- Jewish rela- 
tions if Poland also is to be a vital organism. To re- 
move all that divides, and to promote all that ap- 
proaches and conciliates — that is the principal task. 
National, like human organisms, cannot suffer the 
presence of foreign bodies; they must assimilate or 
reject them. No League of Nations is strong enough 
to grant "national autonomy" to a splinter driven into 
a living body. The laws of physiology are stronger 
than all htunan laws. 

Poland was slowly and peacefully assimilating her 
own Jews, when the Russian Government drove into 
her midst the masses of Russian Jews, like a splinter 
in a human body. When these foreign masses begin 
their return journey to Russia, the wound will cease 
to fester and will begin to heal. In the meantime, noth- 
ing inflamed this wound so much as the universal anti- 
Polish campaign on account of alleged Polish pogroms. 
This campaign irritated the Poles and drove them into 
the anti-Semitic camp ; this campaign encouraged that 

part of the Jews inimical to Poland to look abroad for 
support against their own country ; this campaign par- 
al\zed on both sides the efforts of those who desired 
reconciliation and concord. 

Even were she not bound by the clauses of the 
Minority Treaty, Poland is forced to settle this in- 
ternal dispute, and heal the wound, which not only 
enfeebles, but pains her. She must accomplish this 
for her own good and for her own future. Western 
Jews who have become an organic part of modern 
society, and have great influence with their eastern 
brothers, can in this respect render priceless service 
to Poland, as well as to their Polish co-believers. 

During his stay in Poland, after investigations on 
the spot, Mr. Henry Morgenthau constantly en- 
deavored to act as a conciliator, to encourage confi- 
dence and concord, and to stimulate common efforts 
toward the common good. The Polish-Je'wish prob- 
lem will be the quicker and the better solved, the 
more numerous the followers Mr. Morgenthau finds 
among western Jews : people of good will, proclaim- 
ing, not hatred and boycott, but love and concord. 
Among the Polish nation are not lacking people 
who have adopted this watchword. 

Then, without difficulty and outside pressure, as a 
normal result, will arise in Poland one class of citi- 
zens, enjoying equal rights and rendering equal 
duties, as desired not only by Mr. Morgenthau, the 
eminent American citizen of Jewish faith, but also 
by even the most catholic citizens of Poland. 

The Polish Treaty 

Convenant That Assures Liberty to Minorities in Poland — M. Clemenceau's Letter* 

When the principal allied and associated powers signed 
the German Peace Treaty on June 28, 1919, they also 
signed another important pact to which the Polish del- 
egates had just affixed their signatures. This treaty with 
Poland was the first of a series of formal agreements 
binding the new States of Eastern Europe to maintain the 
institutions of modern political freedom under the aegis 
of the League of Nations. Under the treaty Poland 
agreed to protect minorities against discriinination, to 
assume payment of such a share of the Russian debt as 
should be assigned to her by the Interallied Co'mmission, 
and to support important international postal, railway, 
telegraphic, and other conventions incidental to the estab- 
lishment of a national standing. 

A statement issued at Paris on June 30 by Louis 
Marshall, President of the Combined Jewish Committees 
of the World, contained this comment on the treaty: 

"Nothing thus far accomplished by the Peace Conference 
exceeds in importance the Polish treaty signed at Ver- 
sailles, which is the first of a series of conventions with 
the new States of Eastern Europe to protect all racial,, 
religious, and linguistic minorities. It is literally a charter 
of liberty and the final- act of emancipation of those who 
for .centuries have been bereft of elemental human rights. 
Had nothing else been achieved in Paris than the pro- 
nouncement that henceforth the rights of minorities are 
to be respected and safeguarded, this act of righteousness 
alone would have evidenced a memorable advance in the 
onward march of civilization. It enshrines in the law of 
nations the eternal principles of human liberty that consti- 
tute the distinctive features of the American Constitution." 

Explanatory Letter 

In transmitting this document to the Polish Govern- 
ment on lune 24, Premier Clemenceau, as President of 

the Peace Conference, addressed a long letter to Premier 
Paderewski at Warsaw setting forth the reasons for the 
various conditions laid down in it. The letter began as 

On behalf of the Supreme Council of the principal allied 
and associated powers, I have the honor of communicating to 
you herewith, in its final form, the text of the treaty which, 
in accordance with Article 93 of the treaty of peace with Ger- 
many, Poland will be .asked to sign on the occasion of the 
confirmation of her recognition as an independent State and 
of the transference to her of the territories included in the 
former German Empire which are assigned to her by the 
said treaty. 

The principal provisions were communicated /to the Polish 
delegation in Paris in May last and were subsequently com- 
municated direct to the Polish Government through the 
French Minister ^t Warsaw. The council since has had the 
advantage of the suggestions which you were good enough 
to convey in the memorandum of June 16, and as the result 
of a study of the suggestion modifications have been intro- 
duced in the text of the treaty. The council believes that 
it will be found that, by the modification, the principal 
points to which attention was drawn in your memorandum 
have, in so far as they relate to specific provisions of the 
treaty, been adequately covered. 

In formally communicating to you the final decision of the 
principal allied and associated powers in this matter I should 
desire to take this opportunity of explaining in a more formal 
manner than has hitherto been employed the conditions by 
which the principal allied and associated powers have been 
guided in dealing with the question. 

•Reprinted from the New York Times Current History, 
August 1919. 

O-nlOlng' Principles 

One — In the first place, I would point out that the treaty 
does not constitute any fresh departure. It has for long 
been the established procedure of the public law of Europe 
that when a State is created, or even when large accessions 
of territory are made to an established State, the joint and 
formal recognition by the great powers should be accom- 
panied by the requirement that such State should. In the 
form of a binding international convention, undertake to 
comply with certain principles of government. This prln- 


ciple, for which there are numerous other precedents, re- 
ceived the explicit sanction when, at the last great assembly 
of Kuropean powers — the Congress of Berlin — the sovereignty 
and Independence of Serbia, Montenegro, and Rumania were 
recognized. It Is desirable to recall the words used on this 
occasion by the British, French, Italian and German pleni- 
potentiaries, as recorded in the protocol of June 28, 1878. 

Premier Clemenceau here quoted from Lord Salisbury, 
William Henry Waddington, French plenipotentiary at 
the Berlin Congress; Prince Bismarck, Count de Launay. 
Italian plenipotentiary, and Count Andrassy of Austria- 
Hungary, who made declarations on the occasion in 
question emphasizing the necessity of establishing the 
principle of religious liberty. Premier Clemenceau then 

Two — The principal allied and associated powers are of 
the opinion that they would be false to the responsibility 
which rests upon them if on this occasion they departed 
from what has become an. established tradition. In this 
connection I must also recall to your consideration the fact 
that It is through the endeavors and sacrifices of the powers 
in whose name I am addressing you that the Polish Nation 
owes the recovery of its independence. It is by their decision 
that sovereignty is being re-established over the territories 
in question; and that the inhabitants of these territories are 
being Incorporated in the Polish Nation. It is on the support 
which these powers will afford to the League of Nations that 
the future Poland will, to a large extent, depend for the 
secure possession of these territories. 

There rests, therefore, upon these powers an obligation 
which they cannot evade to secure in the most permanent 
and solemn form guarantees for certain essential rights which 
will afford to the inhabitants the necessary protection, what- 
ever changes may take place in the internal constitution of 
the Polish State. 

It Is in accordance witU this obligation that clause 93 was 
Inserted In the treaty of peace with Germany. This clause 
relates only to Poland, but a similar clause applies 
the same principles to Czechoslovakia, and other 
clauses have been inserted in the treaty of peace with Austria, 
and will be Inserted in those with Hungary and Bulgaria, 
under which similar obligations will be undertaken by other 
States which, under those treaties, receive large accessions 
of territory. 

The consideration of these facts would be sufficient to 
show that by the requirement addressed to Poland at the 
time when it is receiving in the most solemn manner the 
joint recognition of the re-establlshment of its sovereignty 
and Independence, and when large accessions of territory are 
being assigned to it. no doubt is thrown upon the sincerity of 
the desire of the Polish Government and the Polish Nation 
to maintain the general principles of justice and liberty. 
Any such doubt would be far from the Intention of the prin- 
cipal allied and associated powers. 

Three — It Is Indeed true that the new treaty differs in form 
from earlier conventions dealing with similar matters. The 
change of form Is a necessary consequence and an essential 
part of the new system of international relations which Is 
now being built up by the establishment of the League of 
Nations. Under the older system the guarantee for the 
execution of similar provisions was vested in the great 
powers. Experience has shown that this was in practice 
ineffective, and It was also open to the criticism that It might 
give to the great powers, either Individually or In combina- 
tion, a right to interfere in the internal constitution of the 
States affected, which could be used for political purposes. 

Under the new system the guarantee Is Intrusted to the 
League of Nations. The clauses dealing with this guarantee 
have been carefully drafted, so as to make it clear that 
Poland will not be in any way under the tutelage of those 
powers who are signatory to the treaty. 

I should desire, moreover, to point out to you that provision 
has been inserted in the treaty by which disputes arising out 
of its provisions may be brought before the court of the 
League of Nations. In this way differences which might 
arise will be removed from the political sphere and placed In 
the hand of a judicial court, and it is hoped that thereby 
an impartial decision will be facilitated, whfle at the same 
time any danger of political interferences by the powers in 
the internal affairs of Poland will be avoided. 

Four — The particular provisions to which Poland and the 
other States will be asked to adhere differ to some extent 
from those which were imposed on the new States at the 
Congress of Berlin. But the obligations imposed upon new 
States seeking recognition have at all times varied with the 
particular circumstances. 

New Provisions Necessary 

Premier Clemenceau here pointed out that obligations 
with regard to the Belgian provinces were undertaken 
by the Netherlands in 1814, when those provinces were 
annexed; that when the Kingdom of Greece was estab- 
lished it was determined that its Government could be 
both monarchical and constitutional, and that Greece, 
when she annexed Thessaly, accepted a stipulation that 
the lives, property, honor, religion, and customs of the 
inhabitants should be respected and all their rights pro- 
tected. He continued: 

The situation with which the powers have now to deal is 
new, and experience has shown that new provisions are 
necessary. The territories now being transferred both to 
Poland- and to other States Inevitably include a large popula- 
tion speaking languages and belonging to races different 
from that of the people with whom they will be Incorporated. 
Unfortunately, the races have been estranged by long years 
of bitter hostilities. It Is believed that these populations 
will be more easily reconciled to their new position if they 
know that from the very beginning they have assured protec- 
tion and adequate guarantees against any danger of unjust 
treatment or oppression. The very knowledge that these 
guarantees exist will. It is hoped, materially help the recon- 
ciliation which all desire, and will, indeed, do muoli to prevent 
the necessity of its enforcement. 

Five — To turn to the individual clauses of the present 
treaty. Article 2 guarantees to all inhabitants those element- 
ary rights which are, as a matter of fact, secured in every 
civilized State. Clauses 3 to 6 are designed to insure that 
all the genuine residents in the territories now transferred 
to Polish sovereignty shall in fact be assured of the full 
privileges of citizenship. Articles 7 and 8, which are in 
accordance with precedent, provide against any discrimina- 
tion against those Polish citizens who by their re- 
ligion, tlieir language, or by their race differ from 
the large mass of the Polish population. It is under- 
stood that, far from raising any objection to the manner of 
the articles, the Polish Government have already, of their 
own accord, declared their firm intention of basing^ their 
institutions on the cardinal principles enunciated therein. 

Protection for Jews 

The following articles are of a rather different nature, 
in that they provide special privileges to certain group of 
these minorities: * * * 

Six — Clauses 10 and 12 deal specifically with the Jewish 
citizens of Poland. The information at the disposal of the 
principal allied and associated powers as to the existing 
relations between the Jews and the other Polish citizens has 
led them to the conclusion that, in view of the historical 
development of the Jewish question and the great animosity 
arousod by it, special protection is necessary for the Jews 
of Poland. These clauses have been limited to the minimum 
which seems necessary under the circumstances of the present 
day, viz., the maintenance of Jewish schools and the protec- 
tion of the Jews in the religious observance of their Sabbath. 

It is believed that these stipulations will not create any 
obstacle to the political unity of Poland. They do not 
constitute any recognition of the Jews as a separate political 
community within the Polish State. The educational provi- 
sions contain nothing beyond what is in fact provided in the 
educational institutions of many highly organized modern 
States. There is nothing inconsistent with the sovereignty 
of the State in recognizing and supporting schools in which 
children sliall be brought up in the religious influences to- 
which they are accustomed in their home. Ample safeguards 
against any use of non-Polish language to encourage a spirit 
of national separation have been provided in the express 
acknowledgment that the provisions of this treaty do not 
prevent the Polish State from making the Polish language 
obligatory in all its schools and educational institutions. 

In Part 7 of his letter Premier Clemenceau dealt with 
the economic clauses of the treaty, such as freedom of 
transit and Poland's adhesion to certain international 
conventions, and pointed out that the powers had not 
been actuated by any desire to secure special commercial 
advantages for themselves. He added: 

In conclusion, I desire to express to you on behalf of the 
allied and associated powers the very sincere satisfaction 
which they feel at the re-establlshment of Poland as an 
important State. They cordially welcome the Polish Nation 
on its re-entry into the family of nations. They recall the 
great services which the ancient Kingdom of Poland ren- 
dered to Europe both in public affairs and by its contribu- 
tions to the progress of mankind, which is the common work 
of all civilized nations. They believe that the voice of 
Poland will add to the wisdom of their common deliberations 
in the cause of peace and harmony, that Its influence will 
be used to further the spirt of liberty and 'justice botti In 
internal- and external affairs, and that thereby it will help in 
the work of reconciliation between the nations which, "with 
the conclusion of peace, will be the common task of humanity. 

The text of the treaty itself, signed by Poland and the 
allied and associated powers on June 28, 1919, is given in 
full on the next four pages. 


The TTnited States of America, the Britlsli Empire, Trance. 
Italy, and Japad,' the principal allied and asBocIated powers, 
on the one hand; and Poland, on the other hand: 

WHEREAS, The allied and associated powers have, by the 
success of their arms, restored to the Polish Nation the 
independence of which it had been unjustly deprived; and 
WHEREAS, By the proclamation of March 30, 1S17, the 
Government of Russia assented to the re-establishment of an 
independent Polish State; and, 

WHEREAS, The Polish State, which now, in fact, exer- 
cises sovereignty over those portions of the former Russian 


Empire which are Inhabited by a majority of Poles, has al- 
ready been recognized as a sovereign and important State by 
the principal allied and associated powers; and 

WHEREAS, Under the treaty of peace concluded with 
Germany by the allied and associated .powers, a treaty of 
which Poland is a signatory, certain portions of the former 
Qerman Empire will be incorporated in the territory of Po- 
land; and 

WHEREAS, Under the terms of the said treaty of peace, 
the boundaries of Poland not already laid down are to be 
subsequently determined by the principal allied and associated 
powers ; 

The United States of America, the British Empire, France, 
Italy, and Japan, on the one hand, confirming their recognition 
of the Polish State, constituted within the said limits as a 
sovereign and independent member .of the family of nations 
and being anxious to insure the execution of the provisions 
of Article 93 of the said treaty of peace with Germany; 

Poland, on the other hand, desiring to conform her institu- 
tions to the principles of liberty and justice, and to give 
a sure guarantee to the inhabitants of the territory over 
which she assumed sovereignty; for this purpose the follow- 
ing representatives of the high contracting parties: 

The President of the United States of America; his Majesty 
the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- 
land and of the British dominions beyond the seas. Emperor 
of India; the President of the French Republic; his Majesty 
the King of Italy; his Majesty the Emperor of Japan, and 
the President of the Polish Republic, after having exchanged 
their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed 
as follows: 


ABTICBi: 1 — Poland undertakes that the stipulations con- 
tained in Articles 2 and 8 of this chapter shall be recognized 
as fundamental law, and that no law, regulation, or official 
action shall conflict or interfere with these stipulations, nor 
shall any law, regulation, or official action prgvail over them. 

ABTICI^E 2 — Poland undertakes to assure full and complete 
protection to life and liberty to all Inhabitants of Poland, 
without distinction of birth, nationality, language, race, or 

All inhabitants of Poland shall be entitled to the free 
exercise, whether public or private, of any creed, religion, or 
belief whose practices are not Inconsistent .with public order 
or public morals. 

ABTICI^E 3 — Poland admits and deblares to be Polish 
nationals ipso facto Hungarian or Russian nationals habit- 
ually resident, at the date of the coming into force of the 
present treaty. In territory which is or may be recognized as 
forming part of Poland under the treaties with Germany, 
Austria, Hungary, or Russia, respectively, but subject to any 
provisions in the said treaties relating to persons who became 
resident in such territory after a specified date. 

Nevertheless, the persons referred to above who are over 
12 years of age will be entitled under the conditions contained 
In the said treaties to opt for any other nationality which 
may be open to them. Option by a husband will cover his 
wife and option by parents will cover their children under 
18 years of age. 

Persons who have exercised the above right to option must, 
except where it Is otherwise provided in the treaty of peace 
with Germany, transfer within the succeeding twelve months 
their place of residence to the State for which they have 
opted. They will be entitled to retain their immovable 
property In Polish territory. They may carry with them 
their movable property of every description. No export duties 
may be imposed upon them in connection with the removal 
of such property. 

ARTICKi: 4 — Poland admits and declares to be Polish 
nationals, ipso facto and without the requirement of any 
formality, persons of German, Austrian, Hungarian, or Rus- 
sian nationality who were born In the said territory of parents 
habitually resident there, even if at the date of the coming 
into force of the present treaty they are not themselves 
habitually resident there. , 

Nevertheless, within two years after the comipg Into force 
of the present treaty, these persons may make a declaration 
before the competent Polish authorities in the country in 
which they are resident, stating that they abandon Polish 
nationality, and they will then cease to be considered as 
Polish nationals. In this connection a declaration by a 
husband will cover his wife, and a declaration by parents 
will cover their children under 18 years of age. 

ABTICIiE S — Poland undertakes to put no hindrance in the 
way of the exercise of the right which the persons concerned 
have, under the treaties concluded or to be concluded by the 
allied and associated powers with Germany, Austria, Hungary, 
or Russia, to choose whether or not they will acquire Polish 

ABTICIiE 6 — All persons born in Polish territory who are 
not born nationals of another State shall ipso facto become 
Polish nationals. 

ABTICI^i: 7 — All Polish nationals shall be equal before the 
law and shall enjoy the same civil and political rights with- 
out distinction as to race, language, or religion. 

Differences of religion, creed, or confession shall not prej- 
udice any Polish national in matters relating to the en- 

joyment of civil or political rights, as for admission to public 
employments, functions, and honors, or the exercise of pro- 
fessions and industries. 

No restriction shall be imposed on the free use by any 
Polish national of any language in private intercourse. In 
commerce, in religion, in the press, or in publications of .any 
kind, or at public meetings. 

Notwithstanding any establishment by the Polish Govern- 
ment of an official language, adequate facilities shall be given 
to Polish nationals of non-Polish speech for the use of their 
language, either orally or in writing, before the courts. 

ABTId^E 8 — Polish nationals who belong to racial, relig- 
ious, or linguistic minorities shall enjoy the same treatment 
and security in law and in fact as the Polish nationals. Im 
particular they shall have an equal right to establish, manage, 
and control at their own expense charitable, religious, and 
social institutions, schools and other educational establisk- 
ments, with the right to use their own language and to 
exercise their religion freely therein. 

ABTICI^i: 9 — Poland will provide, in the public educatloMal 
system in towns and districts in which a considerable propor- 
tion of Polish nationals of other than Polish speech are 
residents, adequate facilities for insuring that in the primary 
schools instruction shall be given to the children of such 
Polish nationals through the medium of their own language. 
This provision shall not prevent, the Polish Government from 
making the teaching of the Polish language obligatory in 
the said schools. 

In towns and districts where there is a considerable 
proportion of Polish nationals belonging to racial, religious, 
or linguistic minorities, these minorities shall be assured an 
equitable share in the enjoyment and application of the 
sums which may be provided out of public funds under the 
State, municipal, or other budgets, for educational, religi^oMS, 
or charitable purposes. 

The provisions of this article shall apply to Polish citizens 
of German speech only in that part of Poland which was 
German territory on Auust 1, 1914. 

ARTICLE 10 — Educational committees appointed locally by 
the Jewish communities of Poland will, subject to the general 
control of the State, provide for the distribution of the 
proportional share of public funds allocated to Jewish schools 
i naccordance with Article 9, and for the organization amd 
management of these schools. 

The provision of Article 9 concerning the use of language 
in schools shall apply to these schools. 

ABTICtE 11 — Jews shall not be compelled to perform any 
act which constitutes a violation of their Sabbath, nor shall 
they be placed under any disability by reason of their refusal 
to attend courts of law or to perform any legal business on 
their Sabbath. This provision, however, shall not exempt 
Jews from such obligations as shall be imposed upon all other 
Polish citizens for the necessary purposes of military service, 
national defense, or the preservation of public order. 

Poland declares her intention to refrain from ordering or 
permitting elections, whether general or local, to be held oa a 
Saturday, nor will registration for electoral or other purposes 
be compelled to be performed on a Saturday. 

ABTICIiE 12 — Poland agrees that the stipulations in the 
foregoing articles, so far as they affect persons belonging to 
racial, religious, or linguistic minorities, constitute obliga- 
tions of international concern, and shall be placed under the 
guarantee of the League of Nations. They shall not be . 
modified without the assent of a majority of the Council of 
the League of Nations. The United States, the British Empire, 
France. Italy, and Japan hereby agree not to withhold their 
assent from any modification in these articles which is in 
due form assented to by a majority of the Coimcil of the 
League of Nations. 

Poland agrees that any member of the Council of the 
League of Nations shall have the right to bring to the atten- 
tion of the Council any infraction, or any danger of infrac- 
tion, of any of these obligations, and that the Council may 
thereupon take such action and give such direction as it may 
deem proper and effective in the circumstances. 

Poland further agrees that any difference of opinion as to 
question of law or fact arising out of these articles, between 
the Polish Government and any of the principal allied and 
associated powers, or any other power a member of the 


Council (5f Ihe League of 
dispute of an international 
Covenant of the League of 
liereby consents that any 
party thereof demands, be 
of International Justice. 
Court shall be final and sh 
as an award under Articl 

Nations, shall be held to be a. 
character under. Article 14 of the 
Nations. The Polish Government 
such dispute shall, if the other 
referred to the Permanent Court 
The decision of the Permanent 
all have the same force and effect 
13 of the covenant. 


ARTICIii: 13 — Each of the principal allied and associated 
powers, on the one part, and Poland on the other shall be at 
liberty to appoint diplomatic representatives to reside in their 
respective capitals, as well as Consul Generals, Consuls, 
Vice Consuls, and Consular Agents, to reside in the towns 
and ports of their respective territories. 

Consul Generals, Consuls, Vice Consuls, and Consular 
Agents, however, shall not enter upon their duties until 
they have been admitted in the usual manner by the Gov- 
erment in' the territory of which they are stationed. 

Consul Generals, Consuls, Vice Consuls, and Consular 
Agents shall enjoy all the facilities, privileges, exemptions, 
and immunities of every kind which are or shall be granted 
to Consular officers of the most favored nation. 

ARTICLE 14 — Pending the establishment of a permanent 
tariff by the Polish Government goods originating in the allied 
and associated States shall not be subject to any higher duties 
on importation into Poland than the most favorable rates 
of duty applicable to goods of the same kind under either 
the German, Austro-Hungarian, or Russian customs tariffs on 
July 1. 1914. 

ABTICI^E 15 — Poland undertakes to make no treaty, con- 
vention, or arrangement, and to take no other action, which 
will prevent her from joining in any general agreement for 
the equitable treatment of the commerce of other States that 
may be concluded under the auspices of the League of 
N'ations within five years from the coming into force of the 
present treaty. 

Poland also undertakes to extend to all the allied and as- 
sociated States any favors or privileges in customs matters 
which they may grant during the same period of five years 
to any State with which, since August, 1914, the Allies have 
been at war, or to any State which may have concluded with 
.A.ustria special customs arrangements as provided for in 
the treaty of peace to be concluded with Austria. 

ARTIC&i; 16 — Pending the conclusion of the general agree- 
ment referred to above, Poland undertakes to treat on the 
same footing as national vessels, or vessels of the most fa- 
vored nation, the vessels of all the allied and associated 
States which accord similar treatment to Polish vessels. 

By way of exception from this provision, the right of 
Poland or any other allied or associated State to confine her 
maritime coasting trade to national vessels is expressly 

ABTICKE 17 — Pending the conclusion, under the auspices 
of the League of Nations, of a general convention to secure 
and maintain freedom of communications and of transit, 
Poland undertakes to accord freedom of transit of persons, 
goods, vessels, carriages, wagons, and mails in transit to or 
from any allied or associated State over Polish territory, 
including territorial waters, and to treat them at least as 
favorably as the persons, goods, vessels, carriages, wagons, 
and mails respectively of Polish or of any other more favored 
nationality, origin, importation, or ownership, as regards 
facilities, charges, restrictions, and all other matters. 

All charges imposed in Poland on such traffic in transit 
shall be reasonable, having regard to the conditions of the 
traffic Goods in transit shall be exempt from all customs 
or other duties. Tariffs for transit traffic across Poland and 
tariffs between Poland and any allied or associated power, 
involving through tickets or waybills, shall be established at 
the request of that allied or associated power. 

Freedom of transit will extend to postal telegraphic and 
telephonic services. 

It is agreed that no allied or associated power can claim 
the benefit of these provisions on behalf of any part of its 
territory in which reciprocal treatment is not accorded with 
respect to the same subject matter. 

If within a period of five years from the coming into force 
of the present treaty no general convention as aforesaid 
shall have been concluded under the auspices of the League 
of Nations, Poland shall be at liberty at any time thereafter 
to give twelve months' notice to the Secretary General of 
the League of Nations to terminate obligations of this article. 

ABXICKE 18. — Pending the conclusion of a general con- 
vention on the International regime of waterways, Poland 
undertakes to apply to the river system of the Vistula (in- 
cluding the Bug and the Narest) the regime applicable to 
international waterways set out in Articles 332 to 337 of 
the treaty of peace with Germany. 

ARTICIiE 19 — Poland, undertakes to adhere, within twelve 
months of the coming into force of the present treaty, to the 
international conventions specified in Annex I. 

Poland undertakes to adhere to any new convention, con- 
cluded with the approval of the Council of the League of 
Nations within five years of the coming into force of the 
present' treaty, to replace any of the international instruments 
specified in Annex I. , , , .,^, ., 

The Polish Government undertakes within twelve months 
to notify the Secretary General of the League of Nations 

whether or not Poland desires to adhere to either or both 
of the international conventions specified in Annex II. 

Until Poland has adhered to the two conventions last 
specified in Annex I. she agrees, on condition of reciprocity, 
to protect by effective measures the industrial, literary and 
artistic property of ' nationals of the allied and associated 
States. In the case of any allied or associated State not ad- 
hering to the said conventions, Poland agrees to continue 
to afford such effective protection on the same conditions until 
the conclusion of a special bilateral treaty or" agreement for 
that purpose with such allied or associated State. 

Pending her adhesion to the other conventions specified in 
Anne.x I., Poland will secure to the nationals of the allied 
and associated powers the advantages to which they would 
be entitled vmder the said conventions. 

Poland further agrees, on condition of reciprocity, to recog- 
nize and protect all rights in any industrial, literary, or ar- 
tistic property belonging to the nationals of the allied and 
associated States now in force or which, but for the war, 
would have been in force in any part of her territories before 
their transfer to Poland. For such purposes they will accord 
the extensions of time agreed to in Articles 307 and 308 of 
the treaty with Germany. 

Telegraphic and Radlo-Telegrraphlc Ck>nventlona 

International Telegraphic Convention signed at St. Peters- 
bury July 10-22, 1875. 

Regulations and tariffs drawn up by the International Tel- 
egraph Conference signed at Lisbon .lune 11, 1908. 

International Radio-Telegraphic Convention, July 5, 1912. 

Railway Conventions 

Conventions and arrangements signed at Berne on Oct. 14, 
1890, Sept. 20, 1893, July 16. 1895, and Sept. 19, 1906, and the 
current supplementary provisions made under those conven- 

Agreement on May 15, 1886, regarding the sealing of rail- 
way trucks subject to custom inspections, and protocol of 
May 18, 1907. 

Agreement of May 15, 1886, regarding the technical stand- 
ardization of railways, as modified on May 18, 1907. 

Sanitary Convention 

Convention of Dec. 3, 1903. 

Other Conventions 

Convention of Sept. 26, 1906, for the suppression of night 
work for women. 

Convention of Sept. 26, 1906, for the suppression of the 
use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches. 

Conventions of May 18, 1904, and May 4, 1910, regarding the 
suppression of the white slave traffic. 

Convention of May 4, 1910, regarding the suppression of 
obscene publications. 

International conventions of Paris of March 20, 1883, as 
revised at Washington in 1911, for the protection of industrial 

International convention of Sept. 9, 1886, revised at Berlin 
on Nov. 13, 1908, and completed by the additional protocol 
signed at Berne on March 20, 1914, for the protection -of 
literary and artistic works. 


Agreement of Madrid of April 14, 1891, for the prevention 
of false indications of origin on goods, revised at Washington 
in 1911, and agreement of Madrid of April 14, 1891, for the 
international registration of trade marks, revised at Washing- 
ton in 1911. 

ARTZCIiE 20 — All rights and privileges accorded by the 
foregoing articles to the allied and associated States shall be 
accorded equally to all States members of the League of 

The present treaty, of which the French and English texts 
are both authentic, shall be ratified. It shall come into force 
at the same time as the treaty of peace with Germany. 

The deposit of ratifications shall be made at Paris. 

Powers of which the seat of the Government is outside 
Europe will be entitled merely to inform the Government of 
the French Republic through their diplomatic representative 
at Paris that their ratification has been given. In that case 
they must transmit the instrument of ratification as soon 
as possible. 

A procSs-verbal of the deposit of ratifications will be drawn 
up. ^ 

The French Government will transmit to all the signatory 
powers a certified copy of the procSs-verbal of the deposit of 

ARTICLE 21 — Poland agrees to assume responsibility for 
such proportion of the Russian public debt and other Russian 
public liabilities of any kind as may be assigned to her under 
a special convention between the principal allied and asso- 
ciated powers on the one hand and Poland on the other, to 
be prepared by a commission appointed by the above States. 
In the event of the commission not arriving at an agreement, 
the point at issue shall be referred for immediate arbitration 
to the League of Nations. 

In faith whereof the above-named plenipotentiaries have 
signed the present treaty. 

Done at Versailles, (Jnne 28, 1919), In a single copy -wlitcli 
will remain deposited in the archives of the French Bapnblle, 
and of which authenticated copies will be trannulttad to aach 
of the signatory powers. 



"It is giving the Jews very little real 
assistance to single out, as ; is some- 
times done, for reprobation and protest, 
the country where they have perhaps 
suffered least." 


British Minister to Poland